Early years On 9 June 1965, the
Dhofar Liberation Front (DLF) conducted its first ambush on an oil company truck north-west of the Thamrit road in Dhofar, where the driver was killed. The DLF's first "martyr", Said bin-Ghanim al-Kathiri, was also killed. Following the attack, the DLF announced 9 June as the first day of the revolution, granting it mythical significance for the Dhofaris. The DLF also published its first document, titled the
9 June Declaration of Armed Struggle, which framed the action as a clash between the Sultan, who was backed by the British, and the DLF. The revolt was initially small and limited for the most part to sporadic attacks on traffic along the mountain road linking Salalah and Thamarit. The Sultan took a complacent view of the rebellion, considering it little more than another expression of the tribal and religious enmity that had frequently plagued his regime. He preferred to keep his small British-led army near Muscat and ordered local security forces to deal with the rebels. The Sultan had relied on the
Dhofar Force, a locally recruited irregular unit of only 60 men, to maintain order in the region. In April 1966, members of this unit staged an
assassination attempt against sultan
Said bin Taimur. The event led the sultan to retire to his palace in
Salalah, never to be seen in public again. This only served to add to rumours that the British were running Oman through a "phantom" Sultan. The Sultan also launched a full-scale military offensive against the DLF, contrary to the advice of his British advisors. Heavy-handed
search and destroy missions were launched in Dhofar, villages were burned, and wells were concreted over or blown up. A member of the SAF reported that after receiving heavy resistance, it "proved that the position was unattainable, and after blowing up the village wells, we evacuated the camp."
Revolutionaries' left-wing shift It was not long before the Dhofar Liberation Front began to move to the left. A left-wing faction, largely from the
Al Qarra tribe, spoke of Arab unity, socialism, anti-colonialism, and a pan-
Persian Gulf revolution, but the right-wing
Bait Kathir tribal faction in the front remained primarily concerned with Dhofari separatism. The eventual triumph of the leftist element was ensured by events in neighboring
South Yemen, where the
National Front came to power in late 1967 after the
British had withdrawn. The new regime in
Aden became an active patron of the Dhofar Liberation Front, providing arms, money, an outlet for rebel publicity and propaganda, and a haven for the fighters. The Yemeni port of
Hawf and the interior town of
Habrut became important supply depots for materiel being passed to the insurgents. By mid-1968, the rebels were able to make daylight raids on Salalah and
Mirbat, and by the end of the year, the rebels were fairly well-equipped and organized, and more aggressive. Two congresses were held in 1965 and 1968 to define the movement's political objectives. The growing strength of the radical wing was reflected at the second congress, since described as a turning point in the rebellion, and was held in September 1968 at Hamrin. The Dhofar Liberation Front was renamed the
Popular Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Arab Gulf, a 40-member General Command was elected to replace the old leaders, and a new statement of goals was promulgated. The new name signified the organization was no longer concentrating on Dhofari separatism, but was committed to a people's war throughout the Persian Gulf, which was described as "a single historical, geographical, and ethnic entity." The Hamrin delegates adopted
Marxism-Leninism as their ideology, intending to "liberate all of the Gulf from
British imperialism." Political scientist
Fred Halliday reported during his visit to the area that "wherever we went we saw people wearing Mao and Lenin badges, reading socialist works and discussing." Works included those of Lenin and the German playwright
Bertolt Brecht. Palestinian voices were given significant space in Dhufari publications, with Palestinian revolutionary writers such as
Sakher Habash contributing poems and essays expressing solidarity with Dhufar. The movement's two main periodicals, the weekly
Sawt al-Thawra ("Voice of the Revolution") and the monthly
9 Yunyu ("9 June"), regularly featured writings and discussions on global revolutionary and tricontinental movements. The program adopted at these two congresses was strongly tinged with communism. It aimed to establish a
people's democratic republic and to expel the British army from Oman. The Front sought to establish a constitution, abolish martial law, restore freedom of the press and expression, and ensure the rights of minorities. On economic issues, it intended to nationalize the oil companies, develop industries, and implement land reform. The Front called for more social justice and affirmed its support for all Asian, African, and Latin American liberation movements. References were also made to the Palestinian struggle. The rebels opened schools to which both boys and girls had access (girls' education was forbidden in Oman until 1970). Tribalism was fought against, and social relations tended to evolve, with a specific place given to women, including in the armed struggle. The move towards
Marxism–Leninism ensured that the PFLOAG received sponsorship from both
South Yemen and China. China in particular was quick to support the PFLOAG as it was a
peasant-based organisation, giving it a strong
Maoist credibility. Chinese support for the PFLOAG also had another benefit for them, as it acted as a counterbalance to increasing
Soviet influence in the
Indian Ocean. China was quick to establish an embassy in Aden and "the Yemeni regime allowed its territory to be used for channelling weapons" to the PFLOAG. Following the Hamrin conference, the front undertook new military initiatives in Dhofar, and the number of rebel attacks increased. By mid-1970, the rebels controlled the coastline from the Aden border to within a few miles of Salalah and held many coastal villages, such as
Mirbat and Sadh, east of
Salalah. They moved at will through the mountains and along numerous overland routes. The environs of Salalah were sporadically attacked. In pressing their drive, the rebels enjoyed certain advantages: a sanctuary across the Aden border; admirable guerrilla terrain in the mountains and wadis; and the sympathy and cooperation of a substantial proportion of Dhofaris. It is estimated that at one time, about two-thirds of the population supported the rebels. The front looked to civilians to supply informers, messengers, lookouts, and workers. The transformation of the DLF, combined with a new supply of Chinese and Soviet weaponry and better training ensured that the armed wing of the PFLOAG turned into an effective fighting force. In May 1968, an attack by a battalion of the Sultan's Armed Forces against a rebel position at
Deefa in the Jebel Qamar was defeated by heavily armed, well-organised, and trained rebels. However, the radicalisation of the rebel movement led to a split between those such as bin Nufl who were fighting mainly for local autonomy and recognition, and the more doctrinaire revolutionaries (led by Mohammad Ahmad al-Ghassani). One of bin Nufl's lieutenants, Said bin Gheer, was an early and influential defector to the Sultan. Nevertheless, by 1969, the DLF and PFLOAG fighters had overrun much of the Jebel Dhofar and cut the only road across it—that from Salalah to "Midway" (
Thumrait) in the deserts to the north. They were known to the Sultan's Armed Forces as
Adoo, Arabic for "enemy", or sometimes as "the Front", while they referred to themselves as the People's Liberation Army or PLA. They were well-armed with weapons such as the
AK-47 assault rifle and
SKS semi-automatic carbine. They also used heavy machine guns (the
DShK), mortars up to 82mm in calibre and 140mm
BM-14 or 122mm "Katyusha" rockets. By 1970, the revolutionaries controlled the entire Jebel. Terror was then used to break up the traditional tribal structure. Young men were sent to train for guerilla warfare in China, Russia and Iraq. Both for ideological reasons and in an attempt to destroy existing patterns of leadership, the front made an effort to reorder society in the "liberated" areas. In particular, it undertook to eliminate the traditional tribal and kinship system of Dhofar, which it saw as irrelevant to the needs of the revolution. Front leaders have claimed "dazzling success" in replacing tribal relations with "comrade relations." Although the front was committed to "liberate" all of the Gulf, the organization had yet to get off the ground outside of Dhofar. Most front organizers appeared to be primarily occupied with raising funds and with political indoctrination, rather than with armed subversion. The Dhofaris had little interest in fighting for anything but Dhofar. For instance, large numbers of Dhofaris living in
Abu Dhabi who had been active in the Dhofar Liberation Front lost interest and stopped their financial contributions when the leftists took control. The units of the Sultan's Armed Forces (SAF) were under strength, with only 1,000 men in Dhofar in 1968. They were also badly equipped, mainly with
World War II vintage weapons such as
bolt-action rifles, which were inferior to the PFLOAG's modern firearms. These rifles were replaced by the
FN FAL only late in 1969. Even the SAF's clothing and boots were ragged and unsuitable for the terrain. The units of the SAF were generally not properly trained to face hardy guerrillas on their own ground. The position of Commander of the SAF was historically occupied by British officers in line with colonial traditions, until 1985 when an Omani was appointed for the first time. The SAF generally were unable to operate in less than company strength on the Jebel (making their operations clumsy and conspicuous), and were mainly restricted to Salalah and its immediate area. At various times, small detachments from Nos. 2 (Para), 15 (Field) and 51 (Field) squadrons of the British
RAF Regiment, and other units (a
Royal Artillery locating troop, a
5.5-inch medium battery of the Royal Jordanian Artillery, and a
25-pounder battery of the Sultan's artillery) had to be deployed to protect the vital airfield at Salalah from infiltrators and from harassing mortar and rocket fire. Other insurgents in the northern section of Oman formed a separate resistance movement, the
National Democratic Front for the Liberation of Oman and the Arabian Gulf (NDFLOAG). On 12 June 1970, nine members of the resistance group attacked the
Izki camp, a facility held by SAF with support from the
Northern Frontier Regiment. Despite using rifles and machine guns, the attackers failed to inflict serious damage or casualties. After a brief exchange of fire, they withdrew, and the military, aided by trackers and an aircraft, located them the next day. A subsequent clash resulted in the deaths of two soldiers and five revolutionaries, with the remaining members captured. A planned attack on the
Nizwa camp, another SAF facility, was thwarted when the revolutionaries were only able to plant a defective sabotage device, which was discovered in the morning. These events convinced many, including the Sultan's British advisers and backers, that new leadership was required. In January 1972, the PFLOAG announced that it had merged with NDFLOAG, which had been operating in northern Oman intermittently since early 1970. The new organization took as its name "the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman and the Arab Gulf." The merger probably grew out of a conference held in June 1971 in
Rakhyut. It was decided at this meeting that a second front elsewhere in Oman was essential if the rebellion in Dhofar was to succeed.
Qaboos's coup giving medical treatment to the villagers of the remote Yanqul Plain as part of their "hearts and minds" campaign. In the 1970 Omani coup d'état on 23 July 1970, Said bin Taimur was deposed and went into exile in
London. He was replaced by his son,
Qaboos bin Said, who immediately instigated major social, educational and military reforms. Qaboos was well educated, first in Salalah and then at
Sandhurst, after which he was commissioned into the
Cameronians, a regiment of the British Army. He then completed his education with a three-month world tour, visiting various countries across Europe, Asia, and North America, excluding Arab nations, before undertaking a short course at the Royal Institute of Public Administration in Britain. Additionally, he participated in a special tour across England, Wales, and Scotland, where he visited political, cultural, and economic establishments, including government offices and political headquarters, before returning to Oman. His "five-point plan" involved: • A general amnesty to all those of his subjects who had opposed his father; • An end to the archaic status of Dhofar as the Sultan's private fief and its formal incorporation into Oman as the "southern province"; • Effective military opposition to rebels who did not accept the offer of amnesty; • A vigorous nationwide programme of development; • Diplomatic initiatives with the aims of having Oman recognised as a genuine Arab state with its own legal form of government, and isolating the PDRY from receiving support from other Arab states. Within hours of the coup, British
Special Air Service (SAS) soldiers were flown into Oman to further bolster the counterinsurgency campaign. They identified four main strategies that would assist the fight against the PFLOAG: • Civil administration and a
hearts and minds campaign; • Intelligence gathering and collation; • Veterinary assistance; • Medical assistance. The military commanders on the ground (rather than the
UK Ministry of Defence) suggested the implementation of a "hearts and minds" campaign, which would be put into operation primarily by a troop (25 men) from the SAS. The British government (then under
Conservative leader
Edward Heath) supported this unconventional approach to the counterinsurgency campaign. It approved the deployment of 20 personnel of the British
Royal Engineers, who would aid in the construction of schools and health centres, and drill wells for the population of Dhofar. Royal Army Medical Corps Field Surgical Teams and some Royal Air Force medical teams would also operate out of Salalah hospital, to open a humanitarian front in the conflict. The British government additionally provided monetary support for the creation of the Dhofar Development Programme, whose aim was to wrest support from the PFLOAG through the modernisation of Dhofar. The operation was almost a carbon copy of a system that had proved successful in the
Malayan Emergency some twenty years previously. To assist in the civil development and coordinate it with the military operations, the command structure in Dhofar was reorganised, with the newly appointed
Wāli or civilian governor (Braik bin Hamoud) being given equal status to the military commander of the Dhofar Brigade (Brigadier
Jack Fletcher to 1972, Brigadier
John Akehurst from that date).
Government initiatives , famous
SAS vehicle, as was used during the rebellion One step that had a major impact on the uprising was the announcement of an amnesty for surrendered fighters and aid in defending their communities from rebels. A cash incentive was offered to rebels who changed sides, with a bonus if they brought their weapon. Following the split between the PFLOAG and DLF wings of the rebel movement, several prominent rebel leaders changed sides, including bin Nufl himself and his deputy, Salim Mubarak, who had commanded the eastern region. The rebels who defected to the Sultan formed
Firqat irregular units, trained by British Army Training Teams, or BATTs, from the Special Air Service. Salim Mubarak played a major role in establishing the first
Firqat (and the only one to be formed from members of more than one tribe), but died, apparently of heart failure, shortly after its first successful actions. Eighteen
Firqat units, numbering between 50 and 150 men each, were eventually formed. They usually gave themselves names with connections to Islam, such as the
Firqat Salahadin or
Firqat Khalid bin Walid. (Some of the PFLOAG units also gave themselves ideological names, such as
Ho Chi Minh or
Che Guevara). These
firqat irregular groups played a major part in denying local support to the rebels. Being
jibalis themselves (and in many cases with family connections among the communities on the Jebel), they were better at local intelligence-gathering and "hearts and minds" activities than the northern Omani or
Baluchi personnel of the regular SAF, although they exasperated commanders of the regular SAF by refusing to take part in operations outside their tribal areas, or during
Ramadan. The first serious step in re-establishing the Sultan's authority on the Jebel took place in October 1971, when
Operation Jaguar was mounted, involving five
Firqat units. Three companies of the SAF and two squadrons of the SAS. After hard fighting, the SAS and
Firqats secured an enclave on the eastern Jebel Samhan from which they could expand. The SAS introduced two new weapons to support the mobile but lightly equipped
firqats: the rapid firing
GPMG, which could lay down a heavier weight of fire than the
Bren light machine gun previously available to the SAF, and the
Browning M2 heavy machine gun, which was deployed to match the
DShK machine guns used by the
adoo. Meanwhile, the regular units of the SAF were expanded and re-equipped. Extra officers and NCO instructors from the
British Army and
Royal Marines (and also the
Pakistan Army) were attached to all units (there were nominally twenty-two British or contracted personnel with each infantry battalion) while Omani personnel were educated and trained to become officers and senior
NCOs. British specialist elements, including mortar locating radar, troops, and artillery observation officers, also rotated through Oman over several years. '' (monsoon) season, 1972 The revitalised SAF created fortified lines running north from the coast and up to the summit of the Jebel, to interdict the movement of rebels and the camel trains carrying their supplies from the PDRY. The "Leopard Line" was established in 1971, but this line had to be abandoned during the following monsoon season as it could not be supplied. The more effective "Hornbeam Line" was set up in 1972, running north from Mughsayl on the coast west of Salalah. The lines consisted of fortified platoon and company outposts on commanding peaks, linked by barbed wire. The posts possessed mortars and some also had artillery, to provide cover for patrols and to harass rebel positions and tracks used by them. The SAF soldiers continually sortied from their outposts to set ambushes on the most likely enemy infiltration routes and mount attacks against rebel mortar- and rocket-launching positions. Anti-personnel land mines were sown on infiltration routes. The rebels also used anti-personnel mines against suspected SAF patrol bases, and even laid anti-tank land mines on tracks used by SAF vehicles. The
Sultan of Oman's Air Force was also expanded, acquiring
BAC Strikemaster aircraft which provided air support to units on the ground, and eight
Shorts Skyvan transport aircraft and eight
Agusta Bell 205 transport helicopters which supplied
firqat and SAF posts on the jebels. A flight of RAF
Westland Wessex helicopters also operated from Salalah. On 17 April 1972, a battalion of the SAF made a helicopter landing to capture a position codenamed
Simba at
Sarfait near the border with South Yemen. The captured position overlooked the rebels' supply lines along the coastal plain, but did not block them. Although the demands on its transport aircraft and helicopters to maintain the post at Sarfait forced the SAF to abandon some positions in the eastern Jebel, Sarfait was nevertheless retained for four years.
Rebel counterattacks Immediately after China established relations with Iran, all support to the rebels in Dhofar was cut off by China, which had changed its mind about insurgencies, since it viewed them as counterproductive to countering the Soviets. As a result of the various measures undertaken by the Omani government,
firqats and regular SAF, the rebels were being deprived both of local support and supplies from the PDRY. This was recognised at a Third National Congress of the movement, held in Rakhyut in June 1971. Some military improvements were suggested, such as better discipline to avoid wasteful expenditure of ammunition and better coordination between units. It was acknowledged that the movement had estranged many of the local population, by indiscriminate punishments by "people's courts", the movement's inability to match the government's civil aid program, and the effectiveness of the government's information service, which promoted Islam over Marxism. To retrieve the military situation, the rebels mounted a major attack on the coastal town of Mirbat during the monsoon season of 1972. On 19 July 1972, at the
Battle of Mirbat, 250 rebel fighters attacked 100 assorted
firqat under-training and paramilitary
askars (armed police) and a detachment of the Special Air Service. In spite of the low
khareef cloud cover, air support from Strikemaster aircraft was available, and helicopters landed SAS reinforcements. The rebels were repulsed with heavy losses.
Final defeat In 1974, after several splits and defections, the rebel movement renamed itself the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman. This public contraction of their aims coincided with a reduction in the support they received from the Soviet Union and China. Meanwhile, the rebels were steadily cleared from the Jebel Qara and Jebel Samhan by
firqats and were driven into the western part of the Jebel Qamar. Nevertheless, the rebels kept the respect of their opponents for their resilience and skill. In January 1975, in the hastily organised Operation Dharab, the SAF attempted to capture the main rebel logistic base in the Shershitti Caves. A SAF company from a battalion that took a wrong route blundered into an ambush in an
adoo "killing ground" above the caves and suffered heavy casualties. During late February 1975, three battalions of the SAF eliminated much of the rebel "9th June" Regiment (named after the anniversary of the outbreak of the rebellion) in the rugged Wadi Ashoq in the Jebel Qamar between the Damavand and Hornbeam lines. This largely restored SAF morale. During the next few months, the SAF seized an airstrip at Deefa, but was unable to make immediate use of it during the
khareef. Some regular troops from the PDRY reinforced the PFLO's fighters, who also deployed
SA-7 anti-aircraft missiles for the first time. However, their premature use of this weapon deprived them of the advantage of surprise. Also, the Sultan's Air Force had acquired 31
Hawker Hunter aircraft from the
Royal Jordanian Air Force. The SA-7 was much less effective against these aircraft than against Strikemasters. In October 1975, the SAF launched a final offensive. An attack from
Simba, intended to be a diversion, nevertheless succeeded in descending cliffs and slopes in total height to reach the coast at Dalqhut, and thus finally cut off the
adoo from their bases in the PDRY. While the Iranian Task Force threatened the Shershitti Caves from the south, another SAF battalion advanced from Deefa, threatening to surround the remaining
adoo territory in the Jebel Qamar. Hawker Hunter aircraft of the Sultan's Air Force attacked artillery positions in the PDRY. Over the next few months, the remaining rebel fighters surrendered or sought sanctuary in the PDRY. The Rebellion was finally declared to be defeated in January 1976, although isolated incidents took place as late as 1979. ==Foreign involvement==