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Business nationalism

Business nationalism is an economic nationalist ideology primarily held by a sector of the political right in the United States.

History
Ultraconservative business and industrial leaders who viewed the New Deal implemented in the United States between 1933 and 1936 as proof of a sinister alliance between international finance capital and communist-controlled labor unions seeking to destroy free enterprise became known as "business nationalists". During the mid-1930s, Gerald L. K. Smith became a prominent advocate for these business nationalists, many of whom were isolationists who would later oppose the entry of the United States into World War II. Smith successfully garnered public and financial support from wealthy businessmen concentrated in "nationalist-oriented industries". This base included the heads of national oil companies like Quaker State, Pennzoil, and Kendall Refining, alongside automakers such as Henry Ford, John Francis Dodge, and Horace Elgin Dodge. Business nationalists who actively networked with other ultra-conservatives included J. Howard Pew, president of Sun Oil, and William B. Bell, president of the chemical company American Cyanamid. The John Birch Society, founded in 1959, incorporated many themes from the pre-World War II right-wing groups that opposed the New Deal, establishing its base within business nationalist circles. The society was a major force in disseminating an ultraconservative business nationalist critique of corporate internationalists who were perceived as being networked through organisations such as the Council on Foreign Relations. , business nationalism was represented by ultraconservative political figures such as Pat Buchanan. == Economic views ==
Economic views
Business nationalists and the Old Guard who represented them in U.S. Congress upheld fiscal conservatism, favoured protectionism, private enterprise, supply-side economics, and opposed the New Deal. They used their congressional leadership to make these priorities central to the Republican Party’s platform. Fiscal conservatism Tax cuts were a main goal for Old Guard Republicans, linked to balanced budgets and reducing debt. In 1947, U.S. Senator Robert A. Taft and his allies recognized the need for tax reduction but insisted it be balanced against debt payments and the budget, causing ongoing disagreements between U.S. House and Senate conservatives. Under President Dwight Eisenhower, the Old Guard supported his promises of “progress toward free enterprise,” ending wage and price controls, moving toward a balanced budget, and ensuring "maximum national security at a minimum cost.” However, they were disappointed when he did not prioritize tax cuts over fiscal discipline. Labour Business nationalists were particularly influential in sectors like textiles, steel, and clothing, where higher wages, organized labour, and federal protections increased costs under New Deal bargaining rules. Consequently, the Old Guard generally opposed organized labour’s political influence and supported right-to-work policies. This stance extended to their overall opposition to the Marshall Plan and similar postwar economic arrangements, which they deemed giveaways through foreign aid that failed to benefit U.S. businesses or generate sufficient exports and demand to justify the costs. Even when these programs aimed to benefit U.S. producers by providing access to raw and strategic materials, they still preferred protecting domestic industries over overseas investments, viewing the programs as too internationalist and offering weak guarantees for domestic firms. Foreign aid and expansionism The Old Guard generally opposed foreign aid, viewing it as an expensive effort to buy foreign support. However, business nationalists weren’t strictly isolationist; firms allied with them had investments and interests in Asia and the Americas and supported U.S. military expansion in these regions for strategic reasons, such as securing markets and raw materials. They also opposed multilateral economic agreements, believing they subsidized foreign competitors and weakened the U.S. economy. Thus, they supported substantial defence spending, military contracts, and anti-communist security measures when these served U.S. interests or protected overseas economic priorities. == Notable people ==
Notable people
Mukesh Ambani, chairman of Reliance Industries Limited (1981-present) • Patrick Buchanan, White House Communications Director (1985-1987) and Reform Party nominee for the 2000 U.S. presidential electionWarren G. Harding, 29th President of the United States (1921-1923) • Marion Maréchal, member of the European Parliament for France (2024-present) • Kōnosuke Matsushita, president of Panasonic Holdings Corporation (1917-1961) • Roger Milliken, CEO of Milliken & Company (1947-2005) • Clint Murchinson Sr., founder and head of the Southern Union Gas Company and Delhi Oil Company (1929-1969) • J. Howard Pew, president of Sun Oil Company (1912-1971) • Lammot du Pont II, chair of DuPont de Nemours, Inc. (1926-1940) • William Regenery, founder and head of the Western Shade Cloth Company • Vijay Shekhar Sharma, CEO of Paytm (2010-present) • Alan Tonelson, research fellow at the U.S. Business and Industry Council Educational Foundation • Ernest Weir, chairman of the National Steel Corporation (1929-1956) • Robert Welch Jr., director of sales and advertising of the James O. Welch Company (1926-1956), founder and president of the John Birch Society (1958-1985) • Charles M. White, chairman and CEO of Republic Steel (1945-1960) • Robert E. Wood, chairman of the America First Committee (1940-1941), and chairman of Sears, Roebuck and Co., (1939-1954) == Notable organizations and outlets==
List of political parties
• - Liberal Party of Cuba (1878-1959) • - National Rally • - Fidesz • - Bharatiya Janata Party • - Democratic Party (360 Association) • - Thai Rak Thai Party (1998-2007) • - National Union for Social Justice (1934-1936), Reform Party, Union Party (1935-1936) ==Criticism==
Criticism
According to progressive scholar Mark Rupert, the critique of globalisation offered by business nationalists is fundamentally flawed and carried significant social risks. Rupert argues that the right-wing anti-globalists worldview "envisions a world in which Americans are uniquely privileged, inheritors of a divinely inspired socio-political order which must at all costs be defended against external intrusions and internal subversion.” Rupert further argues that this reactionary analysis attempts to challenge corporate power but ultimately fails to understand the underlying economic structure, specifically the nature of "capital concentration and the transnational socialization of production." This lack of comprehension in the reactionary analysis then contributes to societal issues: It fosters social alienation (a feeling of being disconnected or isolated), and it intensifies "scapegoating and hostility toward those seen as outside of, different or dissenting from its vision of national identity." Rupert concludes that as alienation grows, more overtly fascistic forces will try to draw these angry individuals into a framework that justifies the demonization (making someone loos evil) of the chosen "Other." Investigative reporter Chip Berlet argues: ==See also==
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