It was widely expected that Southern Rhodesia would eventually be incorporated into the
Union of South Africa as its fifth province. It was generally considered part of South Africa geographically and in colonial terms, part of the British expansion into the region that had begun with the
1820 Settlers. Representatives from Rhodesia had participated in the
South African National Convention of 1908 and section 150 of the
South Africa Act 1909 made specific provision for the accession of BSAC territories. Coghlan had represented the interests of the Rhodesian people at the convention, although his contribution was insignificant. The presence of the Rhodesian delegation had been supported – and even secured – by
Louis Botha, who was keen to win the trust of the settlers. In November 1909, at a banquet for
Lord Selborne, the departing
High Commissioner in Cape Town, Coghlan spoke of the BSAC and the people of Southern Rhodesia working together towards entering the Union, though some settlers wished to enjoy what he called "an artificial stage of responsible government" first. Indeed, the order in council of 1898 had provided Southern Rhodesia with a constitution that resembled that of a Crown Colony with responsible government and the South Africa Act made no changes to the territory's administrative framework. Botha, who had been asked by the Union's first
Governor-General Viscount Gladstone to form a government, began to make policies and speeches that appeared to Coghlan to be unfair to South Africans of British origin. The Attorney-General
J. B. M. Hertzog interpreted the convention in a way that Coghlan considered to be to the detriment of English-speakers. Coghlan came to the conclusion in 1910 that Southern Rhodesia's joining the Union was much further off than he had previously thought, though he still saw it as the territory's inevitable destiny, whose timing and terms the local electorate must determine. At this time, he rejected the notion of
responsible government—self-government while retaining colonial status—on the grounds that he thought it would take up to two decades to achieve. He was furthermore against the idea of keeping Rhodesia for English-speaking settlers, seeing in that end the same racial discrimination he perceived the Dutch-speakers to be displaying against the British in the Union. In 1911, the partnership of Coghlan, Welsh and Tancred ended when Tancred died. Around the same time, Coghlan, who was representing a mining company, encountered
Ernest Guest in opposition in a case in the court of the Mining Commissioner, who judged in favour of Guest's client. Coghlan, although irritated by Guest, recognised his ability and offered him a partnership, which he accepted, leading to the formation of Coghlan, Welsh and Guest in Salisbury in 1912. Article 33 of the BSAC charter of 1889 gave the British government the right to alter or repeal any of the administrative provisions of the charter after 25 years. So it was widely anticipated by all sections of southern African political opinion after 1910 that the BSAC's administration would come to an end in 1914. Yet the BSAC remained in place. During the course of the First World War, Rhodesia's white population was split between the Unionists, for amalgamation into the Union of South Africa, and the Responsible Government Association, for independence. While the RGA was led by Coghlan, the Union Party's leader was Herbert Longden, another lawyer from Bulawayo. Longden, like the British Government, believed Rhodesia lacked the population and resources for an independent state. For Britain, union with South Africa would mean avoiding having to buy out the BSAC, leaving the burden on South Africa instead. After the war, Coghlan noted that the new Secretary of State, Winston Churchill, was determined to achieve the amalgamation of Southern Rhodesia with South Africa. For its part, the BSAC encouraged the Unionists, expecting that it would get a better price for its assets from South Africa than from Southern Rhodesia. Other major corporations were also pro union, since South Africa would be able to provide cheap labour from the south. These interests controlled the local press and were thus highly influential in the debate. With General Smuts, a skillful statesman, also on the side of the Unionists, it seemed unlikely that Coghlan would dissuade the electorate from entering into the Union. At the
1920 elections, domestic interests aligned against those of the BSAC, rather than unreservedly in favour of responsible government. The run up to the
1922 referendum was long and acrimonious. For the Union were most of the leading citizens of Salisbury and Bulawayo, the British, South African and Rhodesian presses, the BSAC, and the British government. Against them was the
Responsible Government Association, founded in 1917 by
Ethel Tawse Jollie. Wallis, in his biography of Coghlan, ''One Man's Hand'', gives him the credit for the victory of the responsible government lobby. Lewis Hastings, reviewing Wallis's book, recalls campaigning with Coghlan and says that he was the undisputed leader of the movement—highly competent, with a clear vision, principled and sincere. He attributes Coghlan's resolve to his years in Kimberley, where he experienced the autocratic rule of the De Beers mining company, owned by the BSAC. By 1922, the display of unity by white farmers against chartered rule at the 1920 elections fell apart. The majority of them, mostly ranchers and tobacco planters, who relied on the southern market, voted for Union. On the other hand, Mashonaland maize growers, wanting to retain full share of the local produce markets, wanted responsible government. The 1922 referendum results were 8,774 for responsible government and 5,989 for joining South Africa. The role of women in the defeat of the Unionists was substantial, with approximately 75% of them voting for responsible government, even when their husbands voted for Union. In a letter to the South African Prime Minister
Jan Smuts, the Company
Administrator Sir Francis Drummond Chaplin cited anti-Afrikaner sentiments, particularly amongst women, as a major factor in the result. ==Premiership (1923–1927)==