Early interactions According to the
Taiping Huanyu Ji, Brunei (Boni) was one of the earliest kingdoms in
Southeast Asia, having sent its first envoy to China in 977.
Chinese Muslims were also present in Brunei during the
13th century, as evidenced by historical records and archaeological findings, such as
Song dynasty ceramics and
Chinese brass coins. The significant historical role of the Chinese in Brunei is further underscored by legends and tales of interethnic marriages, including the famous story of
Ong Sum Ping, a Chinese official who married the daughter of
Sultan Muhammad Shah. Due to a downturn in Southeast Asian trade, caused by the
Chola invasion of Srivijaya (in 1017, 1025, and around 1070) and the restructuring of trade by the Northern Song, Brunei had to wait until 1082—over a century after its first mission—to send a second embassy to China. During the
11th century, the dominant power in the region,
Srivijaya, sent only five embassies to China. Nevertheless, trade with Southeast Asia flourished in the
12th century following the fall of the
Chola Empire, and Brunei was recorded in Chinese texts in 1151 and 1206. By 1225, Brunei's significance in the
Nanyang trade was highlighted by
Zhao Rukuo, who noted that the country's main exports were tortoise shells and camphor, exchanged for Chinese fabrics and
pottery. Islam began spreading through
Quanzhou, and by the
13th century, records show the presence of Chinese Muslims in Brunei, including a merchant named Master Pu. A Spanish source from 1578 also confirms the existence of a mosque and Muslim rulers in Brunei, where both Chinese and indigenous populations had
converted to Islam. Despite the rise of
Singhasari in Eastern
Java, which controlled the
spice trade in the
Maluku Islands, Brunei's trade with China grew during the second half of the 13th century. Following the defeat of Singhasari by the
Mongols in 1292,
Majapahit emerged as a significant power and extended its tribute relations to Brunei in the
14th century. After the
Sulu chiefdom launched incursions—eventually quashed with Javanese assistance—Brunei's capital was moved from
Limau Manis to
Kota Batu. In 1371, Brunei sent an envoy after
Emperor Hongwu initiated the
Ming dynasty's maritime policy in 1368. As China sought to control sea lanes, Brunei's significance grew under
Emperor Yongle, particularly following his battle for succession. After
Admiral Zheng He's expedition to the region in 1405, Brunei sent an envoy to
Nanjing. In 1408, the mountain "protecting" Brunei was granted the title of "everlasting protector of the country," possibly influencing the name Darussalam. Brunei's trade prospered despite
Malacca's strategic importance in China's maritime policy, with the country's first Arabic
stele being carved in Quanzhou in the
14th century. During the first sixty years of the Ming dynasty, Brunei's political elite converted to Islam, influenced by Malays from northern
Sumatra and Arabs from
Taif. Brunei reached its peak between the late
15th century and the
Spanish attack of 1578, with the sultanate engaging in extensive regional trade, particularly in nutmegs and cloves. Following the lifting of Ming trade restrictions in 1567, Brunei’s trade with southern China flourished, importing silk, gold, ceramics, and second-hand iron, while exporting goods such as bird's nests, slaves, wax, pearls, bezoar stones, camphor, and tortoise-shells. Despite a small Chinese community in Tanjung Batu and
Muara controlled much of the regional trade.
Beginning of the Chinese population Trade with China diminished after the
Spanish attack in 1571 and the loss of the
Manila vassalage, which benefited Sulu and Manila. Negotiations between the sultan and the Spanish in 1682 to restore Chinese trade collapsed when the Spanish insisted on sending Chinese settlers accompanied solely by
Catholic priests. By the early
18th century, however, Chinese farmers had settled along the
Brunei River to cultivate pepper, following the resumption of trade with southern China after the
Qing conquest of Taiwan and the easing of maritime trade restrictions.
Junks from
Amoy and
Macau frequently arrived, and the Chinese continued to trade despite external challenges from the
Bugis and Sulus, as well as internal disputes. By the late 18th century, large junks were built on the Brunei River by Chinese carpenters, and by the early
19th century, Chinese individuals made up half of Brunei's population, mostly engaged in the pepper trade. '', depicting a Brunei delegation in
Beijing, 1761 Unable to secure assistance from either the British or the Spanish, Brunei faced growing pressure from Sulu on Borneo's northwest coast. By 1810, continuous raids had driven Chinese junks out of Brunei Bay. The discovery of antimony in
Sarawak in the 1820s reignited interest in the region. In 1824, the sultan sent an embassy to
Singapore to introduce the mineral, along with customary commodities. He appointed
Pengiran Indera Mahkota as administrator of Sarawak in 1827. He founded
Kuching and employed Chinese labour to explore the mines.
James Brooke became embroiled in disputes between Pengiran Indera Mahkota and
Pengiran Muda Hashim. By 1906, when Brunei ceded its sovereignty to the British, the Chinese community had virtually disappeared, as the sultanate's authority declined, and it lost a large portion of its land. According to
Malcolm Stewart Hannibal McArthur, the British envoy, there were approximately 500 Chinese living in Brunei in 1904, a figure nearly 20 times smaller than in 1800 (based on the lowest estimate). The actual number of Chinese would likely have been closer to 300, as McArthur overstated Brunei's population by one-third (according to the first census in 1911). In
Labuan, which had been ceded to the British in 1846, most individuals were listed as British subjects. Despite this population decline, Chinese traders continued to control much of the region’s trade, including retail and parts of the commodity trade, such as the sale of
sago,
rattan, and other goods to
Singapore. In areas like
Belait District (Goh Ah Lai) and
Tutong District (Chi Ki Yi), the wealthiest Chinese traders could impose import duties or levies, as they also operated as moneylenders at their own risk. The last sago plant under the sultanate was owned by Chua Chang Hee, a prominent Brunei businessman, and it closed soon after Sarawak took control of Limbang in 1890. It is possible that his family had been involved in minting Sultan
Abdul Momin's coins in 1865, as coin crests were produced in many Malay states prior to European arrival. Other Chinese in Brunei worked as fishermen, craftspeople, or woodcutters in the forestry sector. The Cheok family, under the leadership of Cheok Yu, became the wealthiest in Brunei. Cheok Boon Siok, another member of the family, secured the British government's opium revenue monopoly in 1908. Other influential families included the Gohs, Ongs, and Angs, with the Ang family being the oldest. According to family tradition, the first Angs arrived in Brunei before James Brooke, and in 1919, a Chinese partnership, supported financially by Cheok Boon Siok, cleared and planted the first significant tract of irrigated rice farming. Between 1911 and 1921, the Chinese population in Brunei doubled, rising from 3% to 5% of the total population due to improved healthcare. In 1912, the first Chinese primary school, Yik Chye School (now
Chung Hwa Middle School), opened and taught
Mandarin, a rarity in
North Borneo. By 1929, attendance was mandatory for boys, and by 1941, five private Chinese primary schools existed, with some students attending Catholic schools. In 1918, the Qemoy (Kinmen) Hokkien built Tengyun Temple, the first Chinese temple, which contributed to an increase in Chinese immigration, bringing their representation to 9% by 1931. The
discovery of oil in Seria in 1929 and the founding of the first Hainanese Association in 1939 further boosted the Chinese population, which reached 20% by 1947. However, Brunei lacked secondary schools, and families had to send their children to Labuan when English was introduced in 1936, creating a cultural divide. Belait became a modern hub within a more traditional society. Despite these developments, much of Brunei's modern industry, including coal mining in Brooketon (present-day Muara), was controlled by Westerners, particularly the
Brookes, which kept the average income of Bruneian Chinese relatively modest compared to their counterparts in the
Straits Settlements. The Chinese traders and Malay
pengiran lost their land and customs privileges, weakening their economic power. The
Japanese invasion in December 1941 halted economic progress and shut down all Chinese schools. Despite a relatively gentle start to the
occupation, the Chinese and Malays were subjected to harsh treatment, with many massacred in Brunei Town (now
Bandar Seri Begawan). Nevertheless, the majority of Brunei's Chinese population survived.
Post-war economy and policies Tensions between the Chinese and Malays in Brunei intensified after the reinstatement of British civil authority in July 1946. In mid-1946, Chinese workers at the Seria oil field went on
strike due to supply shortages, and were replaced by both Chinese and Indian workers. This unrest coincided with nationalist movements opposing any merger with Sarawak, which had been transferred to British control in July 1946. The
Pengiran Bendahara, Sultan
Ahmad Tajuddin's brother, supported the
Barisan Pemuda, a
nationalist movement that included the radical
Kumpulan Ganyang China (Group for Crushing the Chinese). BARIP demanded the recruitment of Malays into an administration dominated by English-speaking Chinese, and in early 1947, enforced the closure of Chinese shops during the sultan's mother's funeral to assert Malay dominance. Between 1947 and 1960, Brunei's Chinese population grew 2.6 times, reaching 26% of the total population, largely driven by the oil boom. The resurgence in consumption led to the founding of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce (CCC) in 1947, and by the 1950s and 1960s, two geo-dialectal associations were established to represent the influx of Sarawakian Hakkas and
Fuzhous. The issue of citizenship became prominent with the
constitution of Brunei and the preparations for Brunei's first
general elections, which required non-indigenous applicants to demonstrate long-term residence and pass a
Malay language exam. over Jalan Pretty, Kuala Belait celebrating the
coronation of Elizabeth II in 1953 and British soldiers during the 1962 Brunei revolt In 1950, the
Pengiran Bendahara became Sultan
Omar Ali Saifuddien III. In 1953, the sultan tripled
corporate taxes, and with a 100-fold increase in oil revenue between 1946 and 1952, new social policies were introduced. The first secondary school opened in Brunei Town in 1951, followed by a second in
Kuala Belait. The government funded half of the operating costs for Chinese schools, which began offering secondary education in 1954, and made primary Malay schools free. The sultan also introduced the concept of
Melayu Islam Beraja (MIB), which defined
Malayness through monarchy and religion, while reaffirming the significance of Islamic festivals like
Hari Raya. The issue of citizenship was brought up during the planning of the first general elections after the
1959 Brunei Agreement with the British. The
Brunei Nationality Act of December 1961 granted citizenship automatically to "
indigenous races" (such as
Murut people), while requiring other applicants to demonstrate 20 years of residency during the previous 25 years and pass a difficult Malay language test. After the 1962
Brunei revolt, which opposed Brunei's incorporation into a Malaysian Federation, the 1964
Brunei Nationality Act made identity cards compulsory, enforcing the registration of residents and restricting immigration, and since then, three types of ID cards have been issued: yellow for citizens, red for permanent residents, and green for long-term residents. Sultan
Hassanal Bolkiah persuaded the
Legislative Council (LegCo) to eliminate the 1970 subsidies given to Catholic schools in order to demonstrate the Islamic aspect of Bruneian society. By 1971, Chinese Bruneians were a key part of the workforce, with 75% employed in trade, construction, and administration. Construction became their primary industry, leading to the creation of the Brunei Construction Association in 1964 and the Chinese Engineering Association in 1976. The Chinese also made inroads into banking, with the establishment of the
Khoo Teck Puat's National Bank of Brunei in 1964 and United National Finance in 1975. As the economy boomed, Chinese associations prospered, such as the Hainanese Association's Brunei Town branch in 1968 and the Taiwan Graduates Association in 1970. Community-based associations, including the Brunei Tai Poo Association (Hakka) and the Brunei Qiong Zhou Association (Hainanese), were founded in the late 1970s and early 1980s, reflecting the growing influence of the Hainanese and Cantonese communities. Meanwhile, the proportion of Chinese in Brunei's population began to decline, dropping to 23% in 1971 and 20% by 1981, with half residing in the Belait District. With increased oil wealth, economic power shifted to the sultan, allowing him to promote Malay language, Brunei's history, and Islamic values. Since 1979, property acquisitions and long-term leases have required the sultan's approval, and Chinese citizens were unofficially limited to acres of land. Despite official approval, Chinese land acquisitions could not be registered. In 1983, the sultan sought to ease tensions by reaffirming the protection of non-Islamic groups' rights and promoting Chinese commercial expertise for the benefit of Malays. The Sultan attended the CCC's annual banquet and appointed Chinese Bruneian
Lim Jock Seng as secretary for
ASEAN affairs, recognising his contributions.
Independence and the MIB philosophy The supremacy of the Brunei Malays was solidified when the royal titah (speech) elevated the concept of MIB to official ideology during the
independence celebrations on 31 December 1983. The
Brunei Nationality Act was amended in 1984 to extend the mandatory residency period for citizenship to 25 years. While Chinese schools were initially allowed to continue using Chinese as the medium of instruction, the creation of an MIB committee in 1985 led to the introduction of bilingual Malay/English instruction. As
Islamic fundamentalism gained momentum, MIB was enforced more strictly, reaching its zenith in 1990 when it was declared to be "
God's will." By 1992, Chinese courses were relegated to supplementary subjects, and Chinese was no longer used as a teaching medium in schools. Consequently, by the early 2000s, Chinese language proficiency had declined significantly. Initially, the two dozen Chinese associations registered in Brunei were not directly affected by MIB. However, after China’s official recognition in the 1990s, new organisations emerged, including the Sino-Bruneian Association of Friendship in 1992 and the Bandar Seri Begawan branch of the Hokkien Association in 1998. A 2005 regulation requiring all leaders and board members of Chinese associations to be Bruneians further strengthened the government’s control over the community, even though the historical significance of the Chinese community was acknowledged. As a result, the government's authority over Chinese community organisations grew. Since 1984, discrimination against Chinese citizens and non-citizens has been entrenched in Brunei Malays' rule, with MIB further entrenching this power. For example, Chinese landowners faced pressure to sell their properties to Malays. This, combined with the dominance of the state-controlled hydrocarbons sector and royal family-backed businesses, led to a reduction in the Chinese population, which dropped from 20.5% in 1981 to 11% in 2001. Emigration contributed to negative demographic growth, despite a steady birth rate. By 2001, there were 37,056 Chinese in the country, down from 40,621 in 1991. However, by 2009, the population had grown to over 43,700, with the Hokkien being the largest group, primarily residing in the
Brunei–Muara District. In 2001, 44.7% of Brunei’s Chinese population was actively employed, compared to just 32.6% of the Malay population. This higher activity rate among the Chinese was largely due to two factors: first, the restriction that only citizens could retire in Brunei, which led many Chinese retirees to leave, and second, the trend of young, educated Chinese seeking job opportunities abroad. At that time, 25% of Chinese workers were employed in highly skilled occupations such as management, law, and administration, 30% in specialised fields such as technology and clerical work, and 30% in the retail trade and craft industries. Despite regulations limiting foreign staff, Chinese Bruneians now hold senior roles in the financial sector, even though Chinese-owned institutions faced setbacks, such as the bankruptcies of the 1980s. While the
minister of education,
Abdul Aziz Umar, promoted Malay supremacy in the private sector, little has changed in terms of economic representation. It has apparently been simpler for Chinese to acquire citizenship or permanent residency if they convert to Islam, according to a 2008
UNHCR assessment. Chinese Christians encounter challenges when attempting to live out their beliefs. The government has denied authorisation to construct churches and work permits for foreign priests. Many Christians feel compelled to use homes and businesses as places of worship. Similar issues affect Chinese people who follow traditional religions like
Buddhism and
Taoism. At the annual meeting of the LegCo in 2015,
Goh King Chin, a member of the parliament, suggested amending the
Brunei Nationality Act and providing provisions for citizenship to stateless people 60 years of age and older. But in the end, this proposal was rejected by
Abu Bakar Apong, the
minister of home affairs, who said that the existing nationality regulations were adequate and that stateless people were provided official travel credentials in lieu of passports. == Demographics ==