Interwar and WW2 Romania (1920–1947) During
World War I, Romania had been forced into a separate peace with the Central Powers. The World War I turned in favor of the
Entente powers, Romania reentered the conflict on 10 November 1918, just one day before the general armistice. Although Romania violated the terms of the
Treaty of Bucharest, the victorious powers ultimately placed no obstacles, and continued to tolerate Romania's unlawful actions. Romania not only breached the agreements by launching a military campaign to occupy Transylvania on 12 November – one day before the
Armistice of Belgrade – but also by crossing the demarcation line established at that armistice, the Mureș River, on 8 December. Taking advantage of the passivity of the Budapest government, which had renounced armed resistance, Romanian forces occupied a large portion of the territories they had claimed. After World War I, at Gyulafehérvér (now
Alba Iulia) the
Romanian National Assembly proclaimed the
Union of Transylvania with Romania on 1 December 1918. In the assembly, 1,228 delegates present declared their intention for
Transylvania, the
Körös region, the
Banat, and
Máramaros – altogether 26 historic counties of the
Kingdom of Hungary – to unite with the
Kingdom of Romania. Although the decision of Romanians was the result of a unilateral resolution, it completely deprived the Hungarians along with the other ethnic groups of Transylvania of their right to self-determination. The
Székelys at the end of November, and the Hungarians of Kolozsvár (now
Cluj) made also an assembly on 2 December and declared that they did not wish to belong to Romania, despite the Romanian occupation continued as far as Western Hungary. The Treaty of Trianon in 1920 drew a border that placed about 1,658,045 Hungarians under Romanian rule, although the territory granted was smaller than what Romania had originally demanded. The nation-state ambitions of
Greater Romania, once realized, were soon followed by the swift abandonment of the noble promises made at the Assembly of Alba Iulia. Instead, the Romanian state increasingly sought to assert its perceived national grandeur at the expense of the Hungarian population and to redress what it regarded as historical grievances. After 1920, the Hungarians, now a detached ethnic minority, found themselves facing a harsh new reality in which they were compelled to wage a bitter struggle for even the smallest remnants of their cultural and national identity. During the Romanian troops' occupation of Transylvania (1918–1919) and immediately after the Treaty of Trianon (1920), and especially during the changing regimes, many Hungarian monuments were removed, repurposed, or demolished by the Romanian state. Exact data on how many statues and monuments were removed, demolished, or destroyed by the Romanian authorities in the territories annexed from Hungary to Romania between 1920 and 1940 is hard to be told, but their enormous number is illustrated by the fact that in the city of Kolozsvár (Cluj- Napoca) alone, 4 monuments (the Guardian of the Carpathians statue, the statues of the conquering leaders, the Szamosfalva national defense monument, and Queen Elizabeth's memorial stone), 12 statues (King
Franz Joseph I,
Queen Elisabeth,
István Széchenyi,
Miklós Wesselényi, politicians
Imre Mikó, Countess Ilona Nemes, writer
Miklós Jósika, writer and priest János Kótsi Patkó, actors Gyula E. Kovács and Ferenc Gyulai, doctors József Brandt and Zsigmond Purjesz), 8 other symbols considered Hungarian (the establishment of the university library, the founding of the botanical garden, the 1848 union, Indalik, general
Józef Bem, poet
Sándor Petőfi memorial plaques, the Hungarian crown and coat of arms on the Matthias Corvinus statue, and the Hungarian-themed stained glass windows of the Catholic St. Michael's Church) were removed or destroyed. This amounts to a total of 24. The above list also shows that not only statues of Hungarian rulers and politicians were removed, but also those of artists, doctors, and writers, because of the simple fact that they were Hungarians: - The statue called the
Guardian of the Carpathians, created by sculptor Ferenc Szeszák and erected in Kolozsvár in 1915, was destroyed by Romanian troops marching in on Christmas Day 1918. -
Statue of Józef Bem from Târgu Mureș (Marosvásárhely)was knocked down and removed by Romanian occupying forces on 28 March 1919. -
Iron Székely Soldier Monument from Székelyudvarhely (Odorheiu Secuiesc). Erected 1917, it was pulled down and destroyed by Romanian authorities on February 9, 1919 (in wake of war changes) as part of the removal of Hungarian military-heritage monuments. -
Bust of poet Ferenc Kölcsey from Szatmárnémeti (Satu Mare). He was born in the village of
Sződemeter, near the city. The bust of the Hungarian poet dedicated in 1864 was toppled on the night of December 20–21, 1920; later removed entirely in 1947 and stored in museum. - The Romanian authorities also attempted to remove the monument to King Matthias I Corvinus in Cluj-Napoca, but their first attempt proved difficult. They eventually gave up on removing it, citing his alleged Romanian origins. However, the Hungarian state symbols (the
Holy Crown of Hungary and the Hungarian coat of arms) were removed from it, and a plaque was placed on it stating that King Matthias, a "Romanian" who "attacked his nation," was "defeated by his own nation".
Communist Romania (1947–1989) ,
national communism dictator of
Socialist Republic of Romania In Romania, the
Ceaușescu regime gave great focus to the
ancient history of
Transylvania. go through
Romanianization and become more central figures in Romanian history. Due to Romania's human rights policies, including its treatment of the
Hungarian minority in Romania, the
United States State Department discontinued Romania's
most-favored-nation trade status in 1988.
Democratic Romania (1989–present) Political parties, NGOs, political and public figures who are constantly using anti-Hungarian discourses and actions Since the fall of communism, Romania’s political landscape has periodically featured parties, organizations, and public figures promoting strong nationalist discourses. Representatives of the Hungarian minority and certain Romanian figures who disagree with their narrative and actions accuse them of using anti-Hungarian rhetoric, seeking to curtail or completely remove the existing rights of Hungarians, questioning the right of Hungarians to live on the land of their ancestors, claiming that their demands for autonomy, national symbols, language use threaten the territorial integrity of Romania, organizing Romanian nationalist marches in cities inhabited by Hungarians, or occupying and transforming military cemeteries where Hungarian soldiers are buried and regularly holding nationalist demonstrations there.
Romanian Hearth Union Vatra Românească is a Romanian nationalist organization founded in 1990 in Târgu Mureș. According to its own charter, professors and jurists established it in reaction to what they perceived as the “irredentist Hungarian UDMR party (
Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania)” and to defend the rights of Romanians in Transylvania. Ideologically, it is widely considered an ultranationalist group, with elements of xenophobia, anti-Hungarian chauvinism, and even antisemitism. Vatra Românească frames the Hungarian minority as a threat to Romanian national unity. In its early documents, it rejected any Hungarian autonomy in Transylvania, arguing that such demands undermine the rights of the Romanian majority. According to internal strategy documents (leaked or reported), the organization supported “forms of intimidation … until the most capable Hungarian leaders are either marginalized or neutralized.” Their narrative often portrays Hungarians (and other minorities) as “foreign elements” in “Greater Romania” who must be assimilated or contained.
Gheorghe Funar The most well-known figure of Vatra Românească is
Gheorghe Funar, who led the organization from 1992 to 1997. In addition to his actions and declarations, some of which could even be described as comical, such as when, as mayor of Cluj-Napoca, he had many public objects (e.g., benches, garbage bins, street poles or sidewalks) painted in the Romanian national colors (red, yellow, and blue), or as when he said that there are so many Hungarians in Cluj because the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ/UDMR) paid Romanians to declare themselves Hungarian, he carried out many acts and made speeches that were offensive and threatening to Hungarians. - He broke international law in 1997 by having the Hungarian flag removed from the newly opened Hungarian consulate in Cluj. - He also hung a banner pointing toward the Hungarian Consulate in Cluj with the inscription: “This is the seat of the Hungarian spies in Romania.” - In a televised debate in 2014, Funar told an RMDSZ senator:
Tell our interlocutor … that we live in Romania (…)
and do not use a single word from the language of the horses (calling Hungarian language like this),
because Romanian is the official language of Romania … He can speak Hungarian in Budapest; here he must use Romanian. … If I become president, no one will speak Hungarian — not even on Romanian state television. However, the Romanian court did not find Funar's reference to the Hungarian language as the language of horses or his threat to ban it to be offensive, which proves once more that the Romanian justice system does not consider insults and threats against Hungarians to be a crime. - He has also denied the existence of the Hungarian minority in Romania, asserting that “there are no Hungarians in Romania … Here there are only Romanian citizens.”
Greater Romania Party Partidul România Mare (PRM), or
Greater Romania Party, is a Romanian nationalist political party founded in 1991 by
Corneliu Vadim Tudor and Eugen Barbu. According to PRM’s own website, their goals include national unity, territorial integrity, Romanian sovereignty, and “re-awakening” the national ideal. But according to independent observers, its ideology encompasses strong Romanian nationalism, irredentism (the concept of restoring the historic “Greater Romania”), social conservatism, populism, soft Euroscepticism, and anti-Hungarian sentiment. Over time, the party has been described as far-right and xenophobic. The party frames the Hungarian minority (especially in Transylvania) as a threat to Romanian national unity. It views minority rights or autonomy demands as undermining Romania's territorial integrity. PRM’s irredentist ideology (restoring “Greater Romania” borders) also implicitly or explicitly contests the historical presence of Hungarians in Transylvania. In its media and rhetoric, the party has deployed anti-Hungarian chauvinism, associating Hungarians with foreign influence, disloyalty, or as a “fifth column.” The party has mobilized around nationalist protests and discourses whenever Hungarian cultural or political claims have become prominent, especially in Transylvania. For example, it has strongly opposed bilingual signage or Hungarian-language administration.
Corneliu Vadim Tudor The party's most well-known and notorious figure is Corneliu Vadim Tudor, who was a writer, journalist, poet, and politician. Tudor was known as a court poet for the late dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu. After the fall of Communism, he led PRM from its founding until his death. He was known for his combative, xenophobic, and ultranationalist rhetoric. Tudor used his platform (the weekly România Mare) to spread nationalist and xenophobic ideas, including strong anti-Hungarian content. - In a TV interview, he described what he called “hungarita” (a pejorative term) as a “chronic disease”:
Hungarians came late into Europe … since then, they displace others … this is the chronic illness of Hungarian-ness. - In earlier writings (1990), he used dehumanizing language: referring to Hungarians as “Asiatic hordes” and “beastly”:
On top of that all, we have the beastly attacks … by the Asiatic hordes … just for the mere fact that they speak Romanian!,
And now … the Hungarians, who are Asiatic, hinder us … on our way to re-enter the concert of values of our continent!.
Civic Forum of the Romanians of Covasna, Harghita and Mureș The
Civic Forum of the Romanians of Covasna, Harghita and Mureș (FCRCHM), founded in 2005, in the Diocese of Covasna-Harghita of the Romanian Orthodox Church, to coordinate the ethnic
Romanians at
Covasna,
Harghita and
Mureș counties, has been accused of being anti-Hungarian. FCRCHM describes itself as a civil-society umbrella organisation coordinating Romanian cultural, educational and community associations in the counties of Covasna, Harghita and Mureş. Its stated objectives include “preserving Romanian identity” in an area where Romanians are a numeric minority, and promoting what it calls “normalised Romanian-Hungarian coexistence”. The Forum’s communications often frame Hungarian-community symbolic or political moves as threats to Romanian identity in those counties — thereby positioning the Romanian‐minority in a defensive posture, claiming that not Hungarians are discriminated, but Romanians "in their own country". The FCRCHM openly opposes proposals for autonomy of the
Székely Land, which they always put in quotation marks, or call it "așa numitul" (so-called), questioning its existence. of these counties.
The New Right Noua Dreaptă is a Romanian far-right organization, whose founder, Tudor Ionescu, openly embraces the doctrine of the
Legionary Movement (
Iron Guard) that existed between the two world wars. Noua Dreaptă explicitly rejects territorial autonomy demands for the "so-called" (as they and other Romanian nationalists call it) Székely Land in Romania, framing such demands as a threat to the unity and sovereignty of the Romanian nation. In their rhetoric and mobilization, they often frame the Hungarian minority’s cultural or political aspirations (e.g., autonomy, bilingualism) as irredentist or foreign “revisionism.” For instance, they organized a demonstration “against Hungarian irredentism” in Arad. Their events sometimes deliberately provoke symbolic confrontation: on Romanian national day (1 December), Noua Dreaptă has held rallies in Hungarian-majority cities as a demonstration of Romanian national sovereignty.
Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) is a Romanian nationalist, right-wing/populist party founded in 2019. From a socio-ideological perspective, it also draws on a reinterpretation of Romanian “national-communism” and sovereignty narratives. Analysts characterize AUR as xenophobic and nationalist, combining its Christian-conservative ideology with an anti-ethnic minority rhetoric. Party members often label Romanian politicians who represent political positions that are not sufficiently "national" from the AUR's point of view as "not truly Romanian." AUR and George Simion repeatedly turned symbolic disputes (graves, crosses, flags, autonomy demands) into national controversies that mobilised supporters. Valea Uzului (Úz völgye) is the clearest example. Rhetoric attacking UDMR and Hungarian cultural claims has translated into demonstrations, provocative symbolic actions and—in some cases—physical harassment by sympathisers. Monitoring groups reported an uptick in assaults and intimidation in 2025. As AUR gained seats and media visibility, its messaging helped legitimise more confrontational behaviour by supporters (football-related violence and street clashes are symptoms). In contrast, it is worth noting that before 1918, there was a Romanian national party in the Hungarian parliament in Budapest (
Romanian National Party), which was able to operate undisturbed in Hungary until Transylvania was annexed to Romania. - One of the party's MPs, Dan Tanasă, became known for traveling around Székely Land and repeatedly reporting local governments, mayors' offices, cultural institutions, and companies that, in his opinion, had illegally displayed Székely flags, symbols, or Hungarian-language inscriptions on buildings, products, etc. - AUR-aligned activists and some supporter groups have been connected to stadium incidents and fan xenophobia in cities with significant Hungarian populations (Cluj/Kolozsvár among them), with reports of chants, harassment, and occasional physical assaults at matches. The most common nationalist slogan at Romanian soccer matches is the now-familiar chant: "Out with the Hungarians from the country!" These anti-Hungarian chants have become so commonplace in stadiums that it is no longer necessary for the matches at which these are shouted to be against Hungarian teams. Romanian fans often use banners with slogans and images that deeply offend and threaten the Hungarian minority. Monitoring groups have flagged sport-related anti-Hungarian aggression as part of the broader pattern. - In Romanian cities with a Hungarian majority (
Sfântu Gheorghe,
Târgu Secuiesc, etc.), the AUR and the allied Romanian nationalist (
Calea Neamului,
Noua Dreaptă) and Orthodox religious groups (
Frăția Ortodoxă) often (usually on Romanian national holidays like 1st December) hold provocative marches, carrying banners and placards with anti-Hungarian inscriptions, shouting anti-Hungarian slogans (like
Out from the Hungarians from the country,
Transylvania is Romanian), and singing songs celebrating the annexation of Transylvania to Romania. Hungarian representatives have pointed out that these are organized to provoke violent conflict with the local Hungarian population, which can then be exploited for their political purposes. Hungarian organizations and the Hungarian Democratic Alliance of Romania always urge Hungarians not to respond to these provocations, and the Hungarian population has complied with these requests. - In May 2025, Romanian influencers affiliated with AUR visited many Hungarian-majority villages and towns (
Bodoc,
Bixad,
Valea Crișului,
Ilieni,
Turia,
Catalina, Târgu Secuiesc,
Zăbala,
Tușnad,
Miercurea Ciuc,
Siculeni,
Ciceu, etc.) in the region of Székely Land (Covasna and Harghita counties), entering mayor's offices, where they insulted employees and behaved violently.
Calea Neamului Calea Neamului is a Romanian nationalist organisation, often linked with far-right, neo-legionary elements. Its leadership includes Mihai Tîrnoveanu, who acts as its president. The organisation is closely associated with Frăția Ortodoxă, another nationalist / religious-nationalist group. Calea Neamului frames itself as defending the Romanian national identity, the Romanian Orthodox faith, and “the legacy of Romanian heroes.” It also mobilises around memory, history, and commemorations (especially related to Romanian military history). - They challenge Hungarian cultural-political claims (such as autonomy) by framing them as threats to Romania’s national unity and sovereignty. Calea Neamului often organizes or participates in anti-Hungarian Romanian movements or actions: - Mihai Tîrnoveanu, president of Calea Neamului, posed in front of the Hungarian Parliament with a Romanian flag, celebrating the anniversary of the 1919 Romanian army’s occupation of Budapest. - On April 12, 2023, a Romanian crowd led by Calea Neamului disrupted the unveiling of the poet Ferenc Kölcsey's statue in
Carei (Nagykároly), which was attended by
Katalin Novák, then President of the Hungarian Republic, with anti-Hungarian chants and banners. The violent Romanians got so close to Novák that they almost spat on her.
Institutionalized discrimination of ethnic Hungarians The problematic nature of Romanian national holidays for Hungarians The
Great Union Day, Romania's main national holiday, is celebrated on 1 December. It commemorates the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia in 1918, at which the Romanian representatives proclaimed their intention for Transylvania and other Hungarian territories to unite with Romania. Since 2020, Romania also officially marks 4 June as Trianon (the day the Treaty of Trianon was signed in 1920). The law establishing “Trianon Treaty Day” frames the day as an occasion for cultural, scientific, and educational events about a major episode in Romania's modern history. During the debate on the draft in the Chamber of Deputies,
Hunor Kelemen, president of the
Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ), said: "What happened a hundred years ago is understandably a source of great joy for the Romanian nation, but it is a huge loss for the Hungarian nation and the Hungarians living in Romania, and even the Trianon law passed by the Romanian parliament cannot change that fact".
Commemoration of controversial historical figures After 1918, the Romanian state constructed a national pantheon in which figures like
Avram Iancu,
Horea, Cloșca (Ion Oarga), Crișan (Marcu Giurgiu), or
Ioan Axente Sever became celebrated as symbols of Romanian unity and resistance in Transylvania. They conducted massacres against the Hungarian civilian population from Transylvania, killing many thousands of people of all genders and ages, and burning down many cities and villages. Although the Hungarians historical memory says that these men were involved in violent episodes against Hungarian civilians during the
Revolt of Horea, Cloșca, and Crișan of 1784 and the
Hungarian War of Independence of 1848-1849, Romanian historiography, text books and political discourse presents them primarily as defenders of the oppressed and champions of social and national justice. There are numerous statues and monuments dedicated to the controversial historical figures mentioned above in Transylvanian cities like the statues of Avram Iancu from Cluj-Napoca, Turda, Târgu Mureș, Horea, Cloșca, and Crișan from Cluj-Napoca, Alba Iulia (Gyulafehérvár), Turda (Torda), or Axente Sever in the village which bears his name. In addition, a bunch of localities, schools, institutions, and airports are named of Avram Iancu (
Avram Iancu (disambiguation); the leaders of the 1784 peasants revolt (
Horea, Alba,
Horia, Constanța,
Cloșca, Satu Mare,
Crișan, Tulcea,
Crișan, Satu Mare); or Axente Sever (
Axente Sever, Sibiu, "Axente Sever" Middle School from Aiud, "Axente Sever" Theoretical High School from Mediaș (Meggyes)) bear their names.
Denial of the existence of Székely Land and, based on this, prohibition of Székely symbols and coats of arms Since the 1990s, the Romanian state has denied the existence of
Székely Land as a legitimate historical or administrative region. — Romanian officials frequently insist that “Székely Land does not exist” and that it is merely an “invention” of Hungarian nationalism. After 1989, the Romanian authorities systematically opposed the public use of Székely symbols, such as the blue-and-gold Székely flag and historical coats of arms of the Székely seats. Prefects and local courts repeatedly ordered mayors and county councils — particularly in Harghita and Covasna — to remove these flags and emblems from town halls, schools, and public institutions. The usual argument was that such symbols “do not represent the Romanian people” or “create ethnic segregation,” even though they function as regional emblems rather than national ones. Several local governments attempted to register Székely coats of arms as official symbols on flags of counties, towns, or villages, but these efforts were often blocked or annulled by Bucharest authorities on the same grounds. Meanwhile, Romanian national symbols could freely be displayed in Hungarian-majority towns, creating a clear double standard. Romanian media coverage has generally framed Székely self-identification as separatist or extremist, portraying local autonomy initiatives as threats to national unity. However, Hungarian and international observers note that the Székely symbols are peaceful expressions of regional heritage, comparable to those of other European minority regions (such as South Tyrol).
Anti-Hungarian statements by Romanian politicians, public figures, media, and influencers Anti-Hungarian statements, often using false or distorted claims, are common in Romanian public life, the media, and online, which has led to an increase in anti-Hungarian reactions in Romanian public opinion. There have been occasions when the Romanian president himself has made such inflammatory anti-Hungarian statements. Hungarian media reported that anti-Hungarian sentiment had risen sharply and quoted Hungarian minority leaders saying Romanian parties and politicians were using the “Hungarian card”. This means that they made negative statements about Hungarians, and the
Hungarian danger (usually that they want to take back Transylvania from Romania) that stirred up anti-Hungarian sentiment among Romanians, thereby distracting their attention from the difficult economic and political situation and the public scandals affecting them. On 29 April 2020, the president of Romania,
Klaus Iohannis made unprecedented and severe anti-Hungarian statements, when in a public speech he claimed that the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and the Romanian Social Democratic Party had agreed that Székely Land would get autonomy, which meant national security threats and “selling Transylvania to the Hungarians.” In May 2025, during Romania's presidential campaign, a Romanian posted a TikTok video calling for the expulsion and extermination of Transylvanian Hungarians, using extreme hate speech and cursing words towards Hungarians, calling them repeatedly
Bozgors (a curse word used by Romanians against Hungarians). Sándor Tamás, the Hungarian president of
Covasna County Council, filed a complaint under Article 369 of the Penal Code, which punishes public incitement to hatred or discrimination. However, prosecutors in
Tulcea County dismissed the case, claiming the outburst was merely “sarcasm” and posed no social danger. They justified this by referencing the
Perinçek v. Switzerland case, arguing it fell under free expression, although the two cases had nothing in common (
Doğu Perinçek did not instigate against Armenians, did not call for their expulsion or extermination; he just declared that the
Armenian genocide from 1915 to 1917 did not exist). Despite acknowledging procedural errors, authorities closed the case without charges, highlighting a double standard in handling anti-Hungarian hate speech.
Anti-Hungarian actions done by civilians Vandalisms against Hungarian monuments and statues -In 1992, the monument of
Zeicani (Zajkány), erected in 1896, commemorating
John Hunyadi's victory over the Ottomans was toppled, probably with heavy machinery, dragging its mace with it and throwing it in Lake Ostrov. All this shows that it was not a simple act of vandalism. In 1993, the mace was recovered from the lake and taken to a museum in Sarmizegetusa, but it then disappeared entirely by 1994. - Unknown perpetrators have repeatedly vandalized the monument on the outskirts of Gyergyószárhegy (
Lăzarea), which commemorates the victory of the Székelys over the Tatars. The iron chain surrounding the monument has disappeared several times, and in November 2013, two of the columns surrounding the obelisk were knocked down. - Several road monuments and memorial plaques in Harghita/Mureş county border areas were shot at, damaged, or removed in April 2014; perpetrators not identified. - The Statue of Liberty (Arad) (commemorating Hungarian martyrs of 1849) was spray-painted with Romanian national colours and insults targeting Hungarians in February 2015. - In early August 2015, unknown persons vandalized the monument to Sándor Petőfi in the central park of Újszentes (
Dumbrăvița, Timiș), a town neighboring
Timișoara. They tore down the relief, presumably made of artificial stone, depicting the poet's face from the memorial column in front of the Reformed church, and it fell to the ground and broke into pieces. - A bronze plaque with an inscription by Romanian historian
Nicolae Iorga was installed on 18 September 2020, without permission, on the pedestal of the Hungarian king
Matthias Corvinus's monument, insulting the king and Hungarians. - In early February 2021, the Monument of the Székely Martyrs from Marosvásárhely was painted in red-yellow-blue colors by unknown persons, and an inscription was also written on it. - In 2025, in Belgrade, a Romanian man tore down the Hungarian flag from the memorial stone honoring the Hungarian heroes of
Siege of Belgrade and replacing it with a Romanian ribbon. He talked about his own beliefs, that "how Hungarians are stealing Romanian history" and that John Hunyadi is actually a "Romanian hero", and he regularly replaces the Hungarian ribbon with a Romanian one, thus "restoring the truth".
Vandalisms against Hungarian-language place-name signs Since 1989, the vandalism of Hungarian-language place-name signs and other Hungarian inscriptions in Transylvania has been a recurring issue, often reflecting underlying ethnic and political tensions. These acts typically involve defacing or painting over only the Hungarian portions of bilingual or trilingual signs, especially in Transylvania. Motivations range from nationalism and anti-Hungarian sentiment to political provocation linked to debates about language rights, autonomy, and minority identity. While some perpetrators have been identified and prosecuted — for example, in
Székely Land in January 2020 — most cases remain unresolved, and few are classified as hate crimes. Authorities often treat them merely as acts of vandalism rather than ethnically motivated offenses. Despite occasional court rulings affirming the legality of bilingual signs, enforcement and protection remain inconsistent. The recurring nature of these incidents highlights the persistent fragility of interethnic relations and minority rights in post-communist Romania. Since 1989, the vandalism of Hungarian-language place-name signs and other Hungarian inscriptions in Transylvania has been a recurring issue, often reflecting underlying ethnic and political tensions. These acts typically involve defacing or painting over only the Hungarian portions of bilingual or trilingual signs, especially in Transylvania. While some perpetrators have been identified and prosecuted — most cases remain unresolved, and few are classified as hate crimes. Authorities often treat them merely as acts of vandalism rather than ethnically motivated offenses. The recurring nature of these incidents highlights the persistent fragility of interethnic relations and minority rights in post-communist Romania.
Organized mass violence against Hungarians Marosvásárhely ethnic clashes in March 1990 Following the 1989 Romanian Revolution, in early 1990, anti-Hungarian sentiments began to rise sharply among Romanians, as the Hungarian community started to demand mother-tongue education and the restoration of Hungarian-language institutions abolished by the Communist regime. It should be emphasized that Hungarians peacefully requested the restoration of these rights. One of these was the silent demonstration for Hungarian schools initiated by Transylvanian Hungarian writer
András Sütő for Hungarian education, in which tens of thousands of Hungarians participated in every major city in Transylvania on February 10, 1990, holding a book and a candle in their hands. At the same time, Romanian nationalist organizations like Vatra Românească were active in Maros county; they accused the Hungarian community of plotting to detach Transylvania, and mobilized support from rural Romanians. The Vatra activists also spread rumors that Romanians were being abused by Hungarians, and incited the Romanian population of Marosvásárhely's surrounding villages against Hungarians. In March 1990, clashes occurred there between the two ethnic groups in the town, involving ethnic Romanians from neighbouring villages. The clashes left 5 people dead and 300 injured. The riots were broadcast nationally on Romanian television and were covered by media around the world. Vatra Românească, with the support of the Romanian government forces, organized the transport of Romanians from the surrounding area to Târgu Mureș (Marosvásárhely), who ransacked the city center and then attacked the Hungarians who had been peacefully protesting. The riots, which lasted for several days, ended on March 21, when Hungarians and Romas from the surrounding settlements drove the transported Romanians out of the city, and the Romanian army restored order. The events received a great deal of attention in the Romanian, Hungarian, and other foreign press. It is still a matter of debate today as to what sparked the riots. The serious incident had no real consequences for the Romanian side; only Hungarians and Roma were convicted, and none of the instigators or perpetrators of the attacks have been openly named or convicted. Following 1990, Hungarian representatives, along with Hungarian victims and their relatives, made repeated requests for an impartial investigation into the events in question. However, these requests were consistently disregarded by the Romanian state.
Valea Uzului Hungarian military cemetery The valley was the site of significant battles during World Wars I and II, and the now-deserted village of Valea Uzului (Úzvölgye) is located there. The cemetery was established in 1917 by Austrians and Hungarians as the burial place for the fallen heroes of WWI battles, and has also been used during WWII for the same purpose. Although the area was assigned to Harghita County when it was established in 1968, that same year, the county's communist leaders handed over the cemetery in the Valea Uzului — along with the Hungarian border guard barracks built in 1942 — to Bacău County for ten years of use. Despite the 10 years having long expired, Bacău County began considering the area its own. This ultimately led Dărmănești local government to feel entitled to transform the military cemetery in Valea Uzului without permission in spring 2019. The local council in
Dărmănești (Dormánfalva), a town of 8,600 inhabitants located in
Bacău County and which does not have jurisdiction over the cemetery, began a so-called “renovation” on the cemetery grounds, erecting concrete crosses and a memorial to Romanian war heroes that are in fact buried in a neglected cemetery near the neighbouring former village of Poiana Uzului. The Romanian Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Defense have said that only they have the right to make reconstructions or changes in the cemetery, and they did not give anyone right to erect memorials or crosses there in 2019, thus the action of the Romanians was illegal. Romanian court decisions proving that only one Hungarian citizen of Romanian ethnicity was buried there (member of
Royal Hungarian Honvéd), the others being mainly Hungarians, ordering the removal of the illegally installed Romanian crosses. Ignoring court rulings and taking advantage of the inaction and the tacit support of the Romanian authorities, Romanians organized by nationalist parties and anti-Hungarian organizations like AUR, Calea Neamului, return since then, to the cemetery several times a year, using military holidays as a pretext. When they are there, they shout nationalist slogans and "commemorate" the Romanian dead "buried there," constantly "enriching" the cemetery with new Romanian crosses. == Soviet Union and Ukraine ==