(1862–1932), whose government fell shortly before the convocation of the Genoa Conference. Two great issues lay as impediments to convocation of a multilateral convention to plan the
economic reconstruction of Europe. One was the issue of reparations, which was regarded as the primary matter of contention between the
Triple Entente powers of France and Britain in the postwar era. At issue was whether the terms of economic
reparations in the
Treaty of Versailles, which ended the war, were to be enforced or amended. The British thought that massive reconstruction costs laid upon Germany would undermine European economic recovery and the market for British exports of manufactured goods. The French believed that if Germany was allowed to skirt the severe financial obligations detailed in the peace treaty, its economic rise would be massively accelerated, and its political and military hegemony on the continent would be rapidly restored. The political and economic weakness of Germany was emphasized by its new Weimar government, which effectively made the argument that it would be unable to maintain the specified payment schedule. Germany's position came to be regarded as reasonably correct by British, American and other policymakers despite quiet indications from even some German authorities that some substantial portion of the reparations bill could be safely managed. German politicians sought to minimise their country's tax burden by the acquisition of foreign loans and the reduction of the overall reparations bill. British, American and Swiss bankers were adamant that necessary loans would not be available until a final achievable reparations bill and repayment schedule could be agreed upon by all of the main parties in the dispute. In the meantime, German authorities attempted to raise the foreign currency necessary for reparations by dumping paper currency unbacked by gold on the market. That triggered a
hyperinflation paralyzing the country's economy, which had a desired subsidiary effect of helping to make the case that the current schedule of reparations was untenable. The apparent softening of the economic terms of the peace, which had taken place at
Cannes, had led to the toppling of the government of the
French Prime Minister Aristide Briand and threatened the conference by leaving his successor,
Raymond Poincaré, with little appetite for participation. It was only through a dedicated diplomatic offensive by Lloyd George towards the French government in February 1922 that its participation at the April conference was won, under terms that had been agreed to by the Briand government. Although antagonism between France and Britain had festered in the months immediately after the war, France found itself in the uncomfortable position of having to submit to British desires on the matter of an economic conference since without British support, France would have had little chance of collecting reparations from Germany or joining any potential strategic military alliance. The second potential hurdle to holding the Genoa Conference surrounded participation of the new Bolshevik
government of Russia, as the United States and most of Europe did not maintain formal diplomatic relations with the regime and harboured economic claims against it. That inconvenient situation had been effectively set aside by the Supreme Council itself, which approved a formal resolution at its meeting of 10 January 1922 that invited Soviet participation and called upon the Bolsheviks to submit a list of delegates and support staff seeking to attend so that safe-conduct passes for travel and accommodation could be arranged. ==Opening==