Pre-Ottoman and Ottoman period There was a distinction between Ghegs and Tosks before the Ottomans appeared in Albania at the end of the 14th century. The Ghegs remained out of the reach of the regular Ottoman civil administration until the end of Ottoman rule. In areas where Ghegs were still tribesmen they followed their own laws and lived an autonomous existence. During the late Ottoman period Ghegs often lacked education and integration within the Ottoman system, while they had autonomy and military capabilities. In areas of Albania where Malësors (highlanders) lived, the empire only posted Ottoman officers who had prior experience of service in other tribal regions of the state like
Kurdistan or
Yemen that could bridge cultural divides with
Gheg tribesmen. The
Great Eastern Crisis resulted in Albanian resistance to partition by neighbouring powers with the formation of the
Prizren League (1878) which issued a
Kararname (memorandum) that declared both Ghegs and Tosks had made an oath to defend the state and homeland in the name of Islam. During the crisis Ghegs and Tosks made
besas (pledges of honor) to arm themselves and shed blood to defend their rights. Better armed than its southern Tosk counterpart, Gheg society was in a more effective position to resist the redrawing of borders in the region. Ottoman officials initially assisted Gheg Albanians in their efforts to resist incorporation of their lands into Serbia, Montenegro or Bulgaria. Ghegs experienced a brief moment of an autonomous administration where local tax was collected into Albanian coffers. Calls for an autonomous united Albania made sultan
Abdul Hamid II suppress the League of Prizren movement, especially after Gheg Albanians revolted in 1881 and posed a military challenge to Ottoman authority. Large parts of Gegënia posed a security problem for the Ottoman Empire, due to the tribalism of Gheg society and limited state control. During the
Young Turk Revolution (1908) some Ghegs were one group in Albanian society that gave its support for the restoration of the
Ottoman constitution of 1876 to end the Hamidian regime. Subsequent centralising policies and militarism toward the Albanian Question by the new Young Turk government resulted in four years of local revolts by Ghegs who fought to keep tribal privileges and the defense system of
kulas (tower houses). Ghegs from the Shkodër region supported the
Greçë Memorandum that called for Albanian sociopolitical rights within the Ottoman Empire during the
Albanian revolt of 1911. On the eve of the
Balkan Wars (1912-1913) Gheg and Tosk Albanians managed to secure two concessions from the Ottoman government: the rights of Albanian ethnicity and rights for the highlander population during the
Albanian revolt of 1912. This idea resonated with Himmler’s racial ideology and provided justification for their recruitment. Himmler admired the Ghegs for what he perceived as their toughness, loyalty, and military potential, and saw them as a modern reflection of the elite Bosnian regiments of World War I. In contrast, the southern Albanians, the
Tosks, were not included in this classification and were deemed less racially suitable. Furthermore, Himmler strongly supported the concept of a “Greater Albania” as it aligned with Nazi geopolitical goals in the Balkans and helped to foster loyalty among Albanian recruits. At the end of
World War II, communist forces predominantly composed of Tosks captured Albania after the retreat of the
Wehrmacht. That was perceived by many Ghegs as the Tosk takeover of Gheg lands. Most members of the post-war
communist regime and three quarters of the
Communist Party of Albania members were Tosks. Therefore, the communist takeover was accompanied by the transfer of political power from the Ghegs to the Tosks. The Ghegs were consistently persecuted by the predominantly Tosk regime, which saw them as traditionalist and less developed. After
Enver Hoxha died in 1985, he was succeeded by
Ramiz Alia, who was one of the few Ghegs among the leaders of the country. He took cautious steps towards changing direction on the national identity issue by gradually assuming the cause of the Ghegs from
Kosovo. This change was accompanied by a long-lasting fear that the introduction of "too-liberal" Albanians from Kosovo might disturb the fragile balance between the Tosk and Gheg sub-ethnic groups. After the fall of the communist regime, religion was again the major factor which determined social identity, and rivalry between Ghegs and Tosks re-emerged. The new political leaders of post-communist Albania appointed by Gheg
Sali Berisha were almost all Ghegs from northern Albania. The administration of Sali Berisha was identified as northern
nationalist Gheg in opposition to southern Socialist Tosk, which additionally increased the contention between Tosks and Ghegs. In 1998 Berisha exploited the traditional Gheg—Tosk rivalry when he encouraged armed anti-Government protesters in Shkodër in actions that forced the resignation of prime minister
Fatos Nano. During the
Kosovo War, rivalry between Ghegs and Tosks faded, and a huge number of refugees from Kosovo were catered for with no internal conflict, despite unavoidable grumbles about the disruption of the community and theft. == See also ==