is embodied within the chamber at the
State Opening which inaugurates each
parliamentary session (as in 2024, above). Today's Parliament of the United Kingdom largely descends, in practice, from the
Parliament of England, through the
Treaty of Union of 1706 and the
Acts of Union that implemented and executed the Treaty in 1707 and created a new
Parliament of Great Britain to replace the Parliament of England and the
Parliament of Scotland. This new parliament was, in effect, the continuation of the Parliament of England with the addition of 45
Members of Parliament (MPs) and 16 Peers to represent Scotland.
Early history The House of Lords developed from the "Great Council" (
Magnum Concilium) that advised the king during medieval times, dating back to the early 11th century. This royal council came to be composed of ecclesiastics, noblemen, and representatives of the
counties of England and
Wales (afterwards, representatives of the
boroughs as well). The first English Parliament is often considered to be either
Simon de Montfort's Parliament (held in 1265) or the "
Model Parliament" (held in 1295), which included archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, and representatives of the shires and boroughs. The power of Parliament grew slowly, fluctuating as the strength of the monarchy grew or declined. For example, during much of the reign of
Edward II (1307–1327), the
nobility was supreme, the
Crown weak, and the shire and borough representatives entirely powerless. During the reign of King Edward II's successor,
Edward III (1327–1377), Parliament clearly separated into two distinct
chambers: the
House of Commons (consisting of the shire and borough representatives) and the House of Lords (consisting of the archbishops, bishops, abbots and nobility). The authority of Parliament continued to grow, and during the early 15th century both Houses exercised powers to an extent not seen before. The Lords were far more powerful than the Commons because of the great influence of the great landowners and the prelates of the realm. The power of the nobility declined during the civil wars of the late 15th century, known as the
Wars of the Roses. Much of the nobility was killed on the battlefield or executed for participation in the war, and many aristocratic estates were lost to the Crown. Moreover,
feudalism was dying, and the
feudal armies controlled by the
barons became obsolete.
Henry VII (1485–1509) clearly established the supremacy of the monarch, symbolised by the "Crown Imperial". The domination of the Sovereign continued to grow during the reigns of the
Tudor monarchs in the 16th century. The Crown was at the height of its power during the reign of
Henry VIII (1509–1547).
17th–18th century The House of Lords remained more powerful than the House of Commons, but the lower house continued to grow in influence, reaching a zenith in relation to the House of Lords during the middle of the 17th century. Conflicts between the king and the Parliament (for the most part, the House of Commons) ultimately led to the
English Civil War during the 1640s. In 1649, after the defeat and execution of
King Charles I, the
Commonwealth of England was declared, but the nation was effectively under the overall control of
Oliver Cromwell,
Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland. The House of Lords was reduced to a largely powerless body, with Cromwell and his supporters in the Commons dominating the government. On 19 March 1649, the House of Lords was abolished by the
Act abolishing the House of Peers, which declared that "The Commons of England [find] by too long experience that the House of Lords is useless and dangerous to the people of England." It was briefly de facto eclipsed by
Cromwell's Other House. The House of Lords did not assemble again until the
Convention Parliament met in 1660 and the monarchy was restored. It returned to its former position as the more powerful chamber of Parliament—a position it would occupy until the 19th century. After the
Acts of Union 1707, the
peerage of Scotland elected sixteen of their number, the
Scottish representative peers, to sit in the House of Lords. General elections were held with each Parliament, and by-elections to fill vacancies in between. The elections ceased after the
Peerage Act 1963 granted all peers of Scotland a hereditary seat in the House of Lords. The first
election of Scottish representative peers took place on 15 February 1707 at the
Parliament House, Edinburgh, shortly before the
Parliament of Scotland was adjourned for the last time on 25 March. The
commissioners for the barons and the burghs chose
their representatives to the British House of Commons at the same time. addressing the House of Lords, c. 1708–1714, by
Peter Tillemans , proposed by
David Lloyd George (above), precipitated a political crisis in 1909.
19th century The 19th century was marked by several changes to the House of Lords. The House, once a body of only about 50 members, had been greatly enlarged by the liberality of
George III and his successors in creating peerages. The individual influence of a Lord of Parliament was thus diminished. Moreover, the power of the House as a whole decreased, whilst that of the House of Commons grew. Particularly notable in the development of the Lower House's superiority was the
Reform Act 1832. The electoral system of the House of Commons was far from democratic: property qualifications greatly restricted the size of the electorate, and the boundaries of many constituencies had not been changed for centuries. Entire cities such as
Manchester had not even one representative in the House of Commons, while the 11 voters of
Old Sarum retained their ancient right to elect two MPs despite living elsewhere. A small borough was susceptible to bribery, and was often under the control of a patron, whose nominee was guaranteed to win an election. Some aristocrats were patrons of numerous "
pocket boroughs", and therefore controlled a considerable part of the membership of the House of Commons. When the House of Commons passed a Reform Bill to correct some of these anomalies in 1831, the House of Lords rejected the proposal. The popular cause of reform, however, was not abandoned by the ministry, despite a second rejection of the bill in 1832. Prime Minister
Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey advised the King to overwhelm opposition to the bill in the House of Lords by creating about 80 new pro-Reform peers.
William IV originally balked at the proposal, which effectively threatened the opposition of the House of Lords, but at length relented. Before the new peers were created, however, the Lords who opposed the bill admitted defeat and abstained from the vote, allowing the passage of the bill. The crisis damaged the political influence of the House of Lords but did not altogether end it. A vital reform was effected by the Lords themselves in 1868, when they changed their standing orders to abolish proxy voting, preventing Lords from voting without taking the trouble to attend. Over the course of the century the powers of the upper house were further reduced stepwise, culminating in the 20th century with the
Parliament Act 1911; the Commons gradually became the stronger House of Parliament.
20th century The status of the House of Lords returned to the forefront of debate after the election of a
Liberal Government in 1906. In 1909 the
Chancellor of the Exchequer,
David Lloyd George, introduced into the
House of Commons the "
People's Budget", which proposed a land tax targeting wealthy landowners. The popular measure, however, was defeated in the heavily Conservative House of Lords. Having made the powers of the House of Lords a primary campaign issue, the Liberals were narrowly re-elected in
January 1910. The Liberals had lost most of their support in the Lords, which was routinely rejecting Liberals' bills. Prime Minister
H. H. Asquith then proposed that the powers of the House of Lords be severely curtailed. After a further
general election in December 1910, and with a reluctant promise by King
George V to create sufficient new Liberal peers to overcome the Lords' opposition to the measure if necessary, the Asquith Government secured the passage of a bill to curtail the powers of the House of Lords. The
Parliament Act 1911 effectively abolished the power of the House of Lords to reject legislation, or to amend it in a way unacceptable to the House of Commons; and most bills could be delayed for no more than three parliamentary sessions or two calendar years. It was not meant to be a permanent solution; more comprehensive reforms were planned. Neither party, however, pursued reforms with much enthusiasm, and the House of Lords remained primarily hereditary. The
Parliament Act 1949 reduced the delaying power of the House of Lords further to two sessions or one year. In 1958, the predominantly hereditary nature of the House of Lords was changed by the
Life Peerages Act 1958, which authorised the creation of life baronies, with no numerical limits. The number of life peers then gradually increased, though not at a constant rate. The Labour Party had, for most of the 20th century, a commitment, based on the party's historic opposition to class privilege, to abolish the House of Lords, or at least expel the hereditary element. In 1968 the Labour Government of
Harold Wilson attempted to reform the House of Lords by introducing a system under which hereditary peers would be allowed to remain in the House and take part in debate, but would be unable to vote. This plan, however, was defeated in the House of Commons by a coalition of traditionalist Conservatives (such as
Enoch Powell), and Labour members who continued to advocate the outright abolition of the Upper House (such as
Michael Foot). When Foot became leader of the Labour Party in 1980, abolition of the House of Lords became a part of the party's agenda; under his successor,
Neil Kinnock, however, a reformed Upper House was proposed instead. In the meantime, the creation of new hereditary peerages (except for members of the Royal Family) has been arrested, with the exception of three that were created during the administration of Conservative PM
Margaret Thatcher in the 1980s. Whilst some hereditary peers were at best apathetic, the Labour Party's clear commitments were not lost on
Merlin Hanbury-Tracy, 7th Baron Sudeley, who for decades was considered an expert on the House of Lords. In December 1979 the
Conservative Monday Club published his extensive paper entitled
Lords Reform – Why tamper with the House of Lords? and in July 1980
The Monarchist carried another article by Sudeley entitled "Why Reform or Abolish the House of Lords?". In 1990 he wrote a further booklet for the Monday Club entitled "The Preservation of the House of Lords".
21st century In 2019, a seven-month enquiry by Naomi Ellenbogen found that one in five staff of the House had experienced bullying or harassment which they did not report for fear of reprisals. This was preceded by several cases, including Liberal Democrat
Anthony Lester, Lord Lester of Herne Hill, of Lords using their position to sexually harass or abuse women. In 2020, the
Johnson government considered moving the House of Lords from London to a city in
Northern England, likely
York, or
Birmingham, in the
Midlands, in an attempt to "reconnect" the area. It was unclear how the
King's Speech would be conducted in the event of a move. The idea was received negatively by many peers. == Reforms ==