British restrictions on Jewish immigration During the
1945 British election,
Labour pledged that if they returned to power, they would revoke the
White Paper of 1939, permit free Jewish immigration to Palestine and turn Palestine into a Jewish national home that would gradually evolve into an independent state. Labour Chancellor
Hugh Dalton issued a statement calling for the population transfer of Arabs and even examining the possibility of further expanding the borders of a future Jewish state. However, the new Labour Foreign Secretary,
Ernest Bevin, decided to maintain heavy restrictions on Jewish immigration. Bevin favoured the White Paper's policy of turning Palestine into an Arab state with a Jewish minority that would have political and economic rights. He feared that the creation of a Jewish state would inflame Arab opinion and jeopardise Britain's position as the dominant power in the Middle East. Bevin also believed that most displaced
Holocaust survivors should be resettled in Europe instead of Palestine. Due to the British immigration restrictions, the Jewish Agency Executive turned to illegal immigration. Over the next few years tens of thousands of Jews sailed towards Palestine in overcrowded vessels in a program known as
Aliyah Bet, despite the almost certain knowledge that it would lead to incarceration in a British prison camp (most ships were intercepted). The overwhelming majority were European Jews, including many Holocaust survivors, although some North African Jews were also involved. In Europe former
Jewish partisans led by
Abba Kovner began to organise escape routes taking Jews from Eastern Europe down to the Mediterranean where the Jewish Agency organised ships to illegally carry them to Palestine. British officials in the occupied German zones tried to halt Jewish immigration by refusing to recognise the Jews as a national group and demanding that they return to their places of origin. The British government put diplomatic pressure on
Poland, the source of a large number of the Jewish refugees, to clamp down on Jewish emigration, as Poland freely permitted Jews to leave without visas or exit permits, but their efforts proved futile. The Polish government supported the emigration since it allowed them to avoid the responsibility of having to deal with property claims from Polish Jews who were returning home, only to find their property now in the hands of others. In 1947, British
Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) launched Operation Embarrass, a clandestine operation to blow up empty ships in Italian ports that were preparing to take Jewish refugees to Palestine, by having operatives attach limpet mines to the hulls of vessels. From summer 1947 to early 1948, five such attacks were carried out, destroying one ship and damaging two others. Two other British mines were discovered before they detonated. A report stated that "only 1 out of some 30 ships carrying illegal immigrants reached their destination." In the early stages of illegal immigration, small coastal craft were used to bring in Jewish refugees, but large vessels were soon used. In total, some 60 ships were employed, including 10 ships acquired as war surplus from US boneyards. Among the crews were Jewish American and Canadian volunteers. In order to prevent Jewish illegal migrants reaching Palestine a
naval blockade was established to stop boats carrying illegal migrants, and there was extensive intelligence gathering and diplomatic pressure on countries through which the migrants were passing or from whose ports the ships were coming. When an illegal immigrant ship was spotted, it would be approached by warships, and would often maneuver violently to avoid being boarded. British boarding parties consisting of
Royal Marines and paratroopers would then be sent to take control of the ship. On 27 ships, they were met with some level of resistance, including 13 cases of violent resistance, during which boarding parties were opposed by passengers armed with weapons such as clubs, iron bars, axes, firebombs, scalding steam hoses, and pistols. Royal Navy ships would ram transports, and boarding parties forced their way onto the ships and engaged in close-quarters hand-to-hand fighting to gain control. In five instances, firearms were used. During these encounters, two Royal Navy warships were damaged in collisions with immigrant ships. Seven British soldiers were killed during battles to take control of immigrant ships – most of whom drowned after being pushed overboard by passengers. Six passengers were also killed. From 1945 to 1948, some 80,000 illegal immigrants attempted to enter Palestine. About 49 illegal immigrant ships were captured and 66,000 people were detained. Some 1,600 others drowned at sea. In 1945, the
Atlit detainee camp was reopened. The camp had been built in the 1930s to hold illegal Jewish immigrants fleeing Europe, and during World War II it had been used to hold Jewish refugees fleeing the Holocaust, who were often held for an extended period of time before being released. As more and more illegals began arriving in Palestine, the camp was reopened. In October 1945, a raid by the
Palmach freed 208 inmates. One week after the King David hotel bombing in July 1946, four ships carrying 6,000 illegal immigrants arrived in
Haifa, completely overflowing the Atlit camp. The British government, which had known for some time that it would be unable to contain Jewish immigration, established
internment camps on the island of
Cyprus to detain all illegal immigrants. About 53,000 Jews, mostly Holocaust survivors, passed through these holding facilities. British officials in the liberated zones tried to halt Jewish immigration, and did not recognise the Jews as a national group, demanding that they return to their places of origin. Jewish concentration camp survivors (
displaced persons or DPs) were forced to share accommodation with non-Jewish DPs some of whom were former
Nazi collaborators, now seeking asylum. In some cases former Nazis were given positions of authority in the camps, which they used to abuse the Jewish survivors. Food supplies to Jewish concentration camp survivors in the British zone were cut to prevent them from assisting Jews fleeing Eastern Europe. In the British zone they were refused support on the grounds that they were not displaced by the war. Troops in the U.S. zone were also not helping survivors but in 1945,
U.S. President Harry S. Truman sent a personal representative,
Earl G. Harrison, to investigate the situation of the
Jewish survivors in Europe. Harrison reported, [S]ubstantial unofficial and unauthorized movements of people must be expected, and these will require considerable force to prevent, for the patience of many of the persons involved is, and in my opinion with justification, nearing the breaking point. It cannot be overemphasized that many of these people are now desperate, that they have become accustomed under German rule to employ every possible means to reach their end, and that the fear of death does not restrain them. The Harrison report changed U.S. policy in the occupied zones, and U.S. policy increasingly focused on helping Jews escape Eastern Europe. Jews escaping
post-war anti-Semitic attacks in Eastern Europe learned to avoid the British zone and generally moved through American zones. In April 1946, the
Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry reported that given a chance, half a million Jews would immigrate to Palestine: In Poland, Hungary and Rumania, the chief desire is to get out. ... The vast majority of the Jewish displaced persons and migrants, however, believe that the only place which offers a prospect is Palestine." A survey of Jewish DPs found 96.8% would choose Palestine. The Anglo-American Committee recommended that 100,000 Jews be immediately admitted into Palestine. U.S. President Truman pressured the British to accede to this demand. Despite British government promises to abide by the committee's decision, the British decided to persist with restrictions on Jewish migration. Foreign Secretary Bevin remarked that the American pressure to admit 100,000 Jews into Palestine was because "they do not want too many of them in New York". Prime Minister
Clement Attlee announced that 100,000 Jews would not be permitted into Palestine long as the "illegal armies" of Palestine (meaning the Jewish militias) were not disbanded. In October 1946, in fulfillment of the recommendation of the Anglo-American Committee, Britain decided to allow a further 96,000 Jews into Palestine at a rate of 1,500 a month. Half this monthly quota was allocated to Jews in the prisons on Cyprus, due to fears that if the number of Jewish prisoners in the Cyprus camps kept growing, it would eventually lead to an uprising there. On July 18, 1947, the Royal Navy intercepted the
Exodus 1947 a ship laden with 4,515 refugees en route to Palestine. The passengers resisted violently, and the boarding ended with two passengers and one crewman dead. Bevin decided that rather than being sent to Cyprus, the immigrants on board the Exodus would be returned to the ship's port of origin in
France. Bevin believed that sending illegal immigrants to Cyprus, where they then qualified for inclusion into legal immigration quotas to Palestine, only encouraged more illegal immigration. By forcing them to return to their port of origin, Bevin hoped to deter future illegal immigrants. However, the French government announced that it would not permit the disembarkation of passengers unless it was voluntary on their part. The passengers refused to disembark, spending weeks in difficult conditions. The ship was then taken to
Germany, where the passengers were forcibly removed at
Hamburg and returned to DP camps. The event became a major
media event, influencing UN deliberations, damaging Britain's international image and prestige, and exacerbating the already poor relationship between Britain and the Jews.
The insurgency begins 's declaration of revolt, February 1, 1944 There is a general agreement among historians that the Jewish underground in Palestine refrained from an opened struggle against Britain, as long as the joint enemy of Germany was still at large. This approach changed towards the beginning of 1944, with withdrawal of Axis forces from the Mediterranean and the advances of the Red Army in Eastern Front. With the general feeling that the Axis forces in Europe were nearing their defeat, the Irgun decided to shift its policy from cease-fire to an active campaign of violence, as long as it would not be hurting the war effort against Nazi Germany. In the autumn of 1943, the Irgun approached Lehi and proposed jointly carrying out an insurrection. The Irgun was now led by
Menachem Begin, who had headed
Betar in Poland before arriving in Palestine with the Polish forces in exile and going underground. Begin believed that the only way to save European Jewry was to compel the British to leave Palestine as fast as possible and open the country to unrestricted Jewish immigration. He devised a new strategy designed to pressure the British, proposing a series of spectacular underground operations that would humiliate the British and cause them to respond with repressive measures that would antagonise the Yishuv, alienate Britain's allies, and cause controversy among the British public. Begin believed that the insurgency would turn Palestine into a "glass house" with the world's attention focused on it, and that the British, faced with a choice between continued repression or withdrawal, would in the end choose to withdraw. So as not to harm the continuing war effort against Nazi Germany, Begin decided to hold off on attacking British military targets until Germany was defeated. On 1 February 1944, the Irgun declared a revolt against British rule, declaring that "there is no longer any armistice between the Jewish people and the British Administration in Eretz Israel which hands our brothers over to Hitler", and demanding the immediate transfer of power to a provisional Jewish government. On February 12, the Irgun bombed the immigration offices in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and Haifa. Two days later, two British constables were shot dead by Lehi members after stumbling on them pasting up posters and attempting to arrest them. On February 27, the Irgun bombed the income taxes offices in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and Haifa. On March 13, a Jewish police officer was killed by Lehi in
Ramat Gan. Six days later, a Lehi member was shot and killed by police. With Lehi squads sent out to kill police in retribution, the British security forces remained in their stations. On March 23, Lehi members shot and killed two British constables and wounded a third in Jaffa. That same day, the Irgun attacked the police's
Criminal Investigation Department (CID) stations in Jerusalem, Jaffa and Haifa. Six British police officers and two Irgun fighters were killed, and the CID stations in Haifa and Jaffa were successfully bombed. Three days later, the British reacted by imposing curfews on Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and Haifa, and ran identity parades. On April 1, another Jewish constable was killed and a British constable wounded in a Lehi shooting attack. On April 5, Lehi commander Mattityahu Shmulevitz was arrested, but managed to shoot and wound one of the arresting officers.
The Hunting Season period In November 1944, the Haganah launched the Saison. Haganah men from the
Palmach and
SHAI abducted Irgun members to hand over the British. The Haganah and Jewish Agency also passed extensive intelligence on the Irgun to the British authorities, who were able to make numerous arrests and discover Irgun safehouses and arms caches. More than 1,000 Irgun members were handed over to the British by the Haganah during the Saison. The Haganah established secret prisons in
kibbutzim where it held and interrogated Irgun men it had captured. The Haganah tortured Irgun men in its captivity to gain information. The Saison effectively suspended the Irgun's activities. However, the Jewish Agency was suspected by the British authorities of using the Saison for political reasons, often handing in information on people it found politically objectionable but who were unconnected with the Irgun. This caused difficulty for the police, which had to find the actual insurgents among those detained. While there was a strong desire within the Irgun to retaliate, Begin ordered a policy of restraint, insisting that the Jewish Agency would realise with time that the Saison was against the Yishuv's interests. As a result, the Irgun took no retaliatory actions and chose to wait it out. Its ability to act under coercion improved, and new members unknown to the Haganah were brought in. Over time, the enthusiasm within the Haganah for carrying out the Saison began to decline, especially due to the reports of torture and the necessity of acting as informants for the British. There were a growing number of defections from the Saison campaign. In March 1945, at a meeting of Haganah leaders in charge of the Saison at kibbutz
Yagur, it was decided to stop the Saison. As the Saison wound down, the Irgun was able to resume attacks against the British in May, and successfully carried out widespread telegraph sabotage, blowing up hundreds of telegraph poles. However, attempts to bomb oil pipelines were foiled by the Haganah and an attempt to bomb government targets with clockwork mortars failed after they were discovered by the British, most having already been disabled by heavy rain. The Haganah ended the Saison in March 1945. However, the Irgun was still recovering from the devastating effects of the Saison, and could not yet mount major operations. As a result of the victory of the
Labour Party, which was seen as being even more pro-Zionist than the Conservative Party, in the
1945 British general election which was held on July 5, the Irgun announced a grace period of a few weeks to allow for a satisfactory British initiative. Tel Aviv was subsequently under curfew until November 21. Palestine was relatively quiet until November 25, when the Palmach attacked British police stations at
Hadera and near
Herzliya which were used as watch points to detect illegal Jewish immigration, using automatic fire and explosives. Six British and eight Arab policemen were wounded. British troops and police subsequently carried out search operations on November 25 and November 26 against the Jewish settlements of
Givat Haim,
Hogla,
Shefayim, and
Rishpon, looking for insurgents and arms. They met violent resistance from Jewish civilians in the settlements as well as large numbers of Jews from outside who raced to confront the British, and clashes broke out which resulted in 8 Jews killed and 75 wounded, while the British reported 65 soldiers and 16 policemen injured. The Palmach proposed ambushing British forces returning from search operations, but Jewish Agency head
David Ben-Gurion rejected the plan. Two days later, the Palmach again bombed the police coast guard station at
Givat Olga, killing a British soldier, while a Palmach attack on the
Royal Air Force radar station on
Mount Carmel failed when the bomb left by a Palmach team was defused in time. In late January and early February, the Irgun conducted two successful arms raids against RAF facilities. On February 5, the police headquarters at
Safed was attacked and on the following day, an attack on a
King's African Rifles camp in
Holon killed an African soldier and a British officer. African soldiers stationed in the camp subsequently rioted and killed two Jews and wounded four. The British were outraged by the attack. Major General
James Cassels, told the acting mayor of Tel Aviv that he held the Jewish community responsible. The British imposed a collective punishment on the population of Tel Aviv, imposing a dawn to dusk curfew on the city roads and closing all cafes, bars, cinemas, and other places of entertainment and socialisation until May 12. The authorities had seriously considered more severe penalties such as demolishing all houses around the car park including those that had played no role in the assault and imposing a collective fine on the entire city but had decided against all other options due to them being politically undesirable or impractical. However, although Cunningham had decided on firm military action, he chose not to have the two Irgun fighters under sentences of death executed given the Irgun threat to kill the British officers it was holding hostage if the British carried out the executions. On July 3, he commuted the sentences of Yosef Simchon and Michael Ashbel to life imprisonment, and the Irgun released its remaining British hostages the following day. wait to be interrogated during Operation Shark The British responded to the bombing with
Operation Shark, a cordon and search operation in which the entire city of Tel Aviv and the Jewish Quarter of Jaffa would be cordoned off and searched building by building and the entire Jewish population except for the elderly and children were to be screened. The British chose to search Tel Aviv due to faulty intelligence that the bombers had come from Tel Aviv, when in fact they had been based in Jerusalem. The operation was conducted from July 30 to August 2, during which British forces searched tens of thousands of buildings and screened most of the Jewish population. Tel Aviv was placed under curfew for 22 hours a day with residents only allowed to leave their homes for two hours every evening. A total of 787 arrests were made, and according to former Irgun high command member
Shmuel Katz, the operation succeeded in arresting "Almost all of the leaders and staff of the Irgun and Lehi, and the Tel Aviv manpower of both organizations." Among the underground leaders arrested was
Yitzhak Shamir, a member of the Lehi high command. He was subsequently interned in Africa. Irgun leader Menachem Begin escaped capture by hiding in a secret compartment that had been built into the wall of his home. In addition, the Jewish neighborhoods of Jerusalem were kept under curfew for 16 days. In the aftermath of the bombing, the head of the British forces in Palestine, General Sir
Evelyn Barker, responded by ordering British personnel to boycott all: Jewish establishments, restaurants, shop, and private dwellings. No British soldier is to have social intercourse with any Jew. ... I appreciate that these measures will inflict some hardship on the troops, yet I am certain that if my reasons are fully explained to them they will understand their propriety and will be punishing the Jews in a way the race dislikes as much as any, by striking at their pockets and showing our contempt of them. Barker, whose forces participated in the capture of the
Bergen Belsen concentration camp, made many antisemitic comments in his letters to Katy Antonius and was relieved of his post a few weeks after issuing the statement. A few months after his return to England, Barker was sent a letter bomb by the Irgun, but it was detected before it exploded. As a result of Operation Agatha and Operation Shark, the Jewish Agency decided to end the Jewish Resistance Movement, which was formally dissolved on August 23. From then on, the Haganah would concentrate mainly on illegal immigration and mount occasional Palmach raids on British targets associated with stopping illegal immigration, while the Irgun and Lehi would focus on continuous military operations against the British. In September, attacks picked up again, starting with two assassinations carried out by Lehi on September 9: British Army intelligence officer
Desmond Doran was killed in a grenade attack on his home, and police sergeant T.G. Martin, who had been responsible for Yitzhak Shamir's arrest, was shot dead at a tennis court. In the early morning hours of September 10, a British soldier was killed when Jewish insurgents ambushed army vehicles with automatic fire near
Petah Tikva. On September 20, a railway station in Haifa was bombed and a British soldier was shot dead in Tel Aviv two days later. On September 31, a British soldier was killed by automatic fire in an ambush while en route from Lydda to
Netanya by motorcycle. On October 30, the Irgun raided the Jerusalem railway station. The British had advance knowledge of the plan and a police team opened fire on the raiders, wounding four of them and forcing them to retreat after depositing the explosives. Four of the attackers were later captured including two of the wounded ones. One of them was
Meir Feinstein, who was tried and sentenced to death for his role in the action. The interior of station was subsequently badly damaged and a British constable killed when the bombs the raiding party left behind exploded during an attempt to remove them. The following day, Irgun operatives in
Italy bombed the British Embassy in
Rome, which seriously damaged the building. The Italian authorities subsequently arrested Irgun suspects and discovered an Irgun sabotage school in Rome. One of the Irgun members arrested was Israel Epstein, a childhood friend of Irgun commander Menachem Begin who worked in propaganda and liaison duties for the Irgun high command. He was shot dead while trying to escape custody. Lehi
bombed the district police headquarters in Haifa on January 12, using a bomb-laden truck which was parked next to the building and abandoned before exploding. Two British and two Arab policemen were killed. During this time, the British continued to reinforce their garrison in Palestine and stringent restrictions on the movement of British personnel were imposed to lessen their vulnerability. Soldiers were instructed to only walk in groups of not less than four when off base and to avoid cafes. The British swiftly imposed curfews and conducted searches. On the following day, the authorities declared martial law in the Tel Aviv metropolitan area, in an area encompassing the cities and towns of Tel Aviv, Ramat Gan,
Bnei Brak,
Givatayim, and Petah Tikva, in the
Sharon plain, and in four Jewish neighbourhoods of Jerusalem. In the Tel Aviv region, the operation was codenamed Operation Hippo while in Jerusalem it was codenamed Operation Elephant. Up to 300,000 Jews were affected. Jewish residents in areas under martial law were put under curfew for all but three hours of a day.
Civil services were suspended and jurisdiction over civilian criminal offenses was transferred from civilian courts to military courts. Most telephone services were cut off, driving non-security forces vehicles was prohibited, and movement in and out of the affected areas required a permit. British soldiers conducted searches throughout the affected areas. Soldiers were granted policing authority and were told to shoot curfew violators on sight. Pedestrians and motorists were fired at by troops in Tel Aviv, and a Jewish official had his car riddled by bullets. In Jerusalem, British troops killed two Jewish civilians during the martial law period, including a four-year-old girl standing on the balcony of her home in Jerusalem. Martial law was imposed both to search for Irgun and Lehi members and to inflict economic losses on the Yishuv as a collective punishment over the failure of the Jewish Agency and the Jewish population to cooperate with the authorities in suppressing the insurgency. On March 14, an oil pipeline in Haifa and a section of the railway line near
Be'er Ya'akov were blown up. Martial law was lifted on March 17 after 15 days. The authorities announced that 78 people had been arrested for suspected insurgent activity, of whom 15 were identified as Lehi members, 12 as Irgun members, and the rest "connected." The Yishuv suffered an estimated $10 million in economic losses as a result of martial law. Attacks had continued throughout the martial law period, and between March 1 and March 13, 14 British personnel and 15 civilians were killed in insurgent attacks. The attacks on security forces and oil pipeline sabotage continued after martial law was lifted, with an officer killed in an attack in
Ramla on March 20 and a soldier killed in a mine attack on the Cairo-Haifa train at
Rehovot. On April 16, four Irgun fighters who had been sentenced to death –
Dov Gruner,
Yehiel Dresner,
Mordechai Alkahi, and
Eliezer Kashani – were executed in
Acre Prison. The following day, the authorities scheduled the executions of Irgun fighter
Meir Feinstein and Lehi fighter
Moshe Barazani, who had been sentenced to death and were awaiting execution in Jerusalem Central Prison, for April 21. The Irgun attempted to find British hostages to save their lives, but having anticipated this, the British confined almost all of their troops to barracks or within the security zones, and Irgun patrols fruitlessly wandered the streets in search of a vulnerable soldier. However, the Irgun did manage to smuggle a grenade to Feinstein and Barazani. Although they originally planned to kill their executioners with the grenade, after learning that a rabbi was to accompany them to the gallows, they committed suicide by detonating the grenade while embracing each other, with the grenade lodged between them, a few hours before their scheduled executions. The Irgun subsequently tried to kidnap Britons to hang as a reprisal, but consistently failed, and finally gave up after a group of Irgun members finally seized a British businessman from a bar but spared his life after learning he was Jewish. On April 25, a bomb-laden van that had been stolen from Palestine Post and Telegraph was used to bomb a Palestine Police facility at Sarona, killing four British constables. The following day, Lehi assassinated Albert Conquest, the Assistant Superintendent of Police, who was the head of the Haifa CID. In the final two weeks of July, over 100 attacks took place in which the security forces lost 13 dead and 77 wounded with only one Jewish insurgent killed. At the end of October renewed Haganah–Irgun clashes broke out during which the Haganah shot two Irgun men in Rishon LeZion, but the clashes died out. Five Lehi members including three female members were also killed in a raid on a Lehi safehouse in
Raanana, which provoked reprisal killings of British soldiers, police, and civilians by Lehi. Through a well-organised international propaganda campaign, Irgun and Lehi reached out to potential international supporters, particularly in the United States and especially among American Jews, who became increasingly sympathetic to the Zionist cause and hostile to Britain. Their propaganda claimed that: Britain's restrictions on Jewish immigration were a violation of international law, as it violated the terms of the mandate; British rule in Palestine was oppressive and had turned the country into a police state; British policies were Nazi-like and anti-Semitic; the insurgency was Jewish self-defence; and the insurgents were winning and British withdrawal from Palestine was inevitable. This propaganda, coupled with statements and actions by British officials and members of the security forces interpreted as anti-Semitic, gained the insurgents international credibility and served to further tarnish Britain's image. Britain was at this time negotiating a loan from the United States vital to its economic survival. Its treatment of Jewish survivors generated bad publicity and encouraged the
U.S. Congress to stiffen its terms. Many American Jews were initially politically active in pressing Congress for a suspension of the loan guarantees, but Jewish groups and politicians later retracted their support and came out in favour of the loan, fearing accusations of disloyalty to the United States. U.S. President
Harry S. Truman put extensive pressure on the British government over its handling of the Palestine situation. The post-war conflict in Palestine caused more damage to
Anglo-American relations than any other issue. During the insurgency, the British government organised a conference in London between Zionist and Arab representatives and attempted to mediate a solution. However, these talks proved fruitless. The Arabs were unwilling to accept any solution except a unified Palestine under Arab rule, and while the Zionists adamantly refused this proposal, instead suggesting partition. After realising that the Arabs and the Jews were both unwilling to compromise, Bevin began considering turning the Palestine question over to the United Nations. Britain increasingly began to see its attempts to suppress the Jewish insurgency as a costly and futile exercise, and its resolve began to weaken. British security forces, which were constantly taking casualties, were unable to suppress the insurgents due to their hit-and-run tactics, poor intelligence, and a non-cooperative civilian population. The insurgents were also making the country ungovernable; the King David Hotel bombing resulted in the deaths of a large number of civil servants and the loss of many documents, devastating the mandatory administration, while IED attacks on British vehicles began to limit the British Army's freedom of movement throughout the country. The Acre Prison break and the floggings and hangings of British soldiers by the Irgun humiliated the British authorities and further demonstrated their failure to control the situation. At the same time, attacks carried out on economic targets cost Britain almost
£2 million in economic damage; meanwhile, Britain was paying about £40 million a year to keep its troops in Palestine, while at the same time the country was going through a deep economic crisis as a result of World War II, with widespread power cuts and strict rationing, and was heavily dependent on American economic aid. There were also indications, such as several successful bombings in London and the letter-bombing campaign against British politicians, that the insurgents were beginning to take the war home to Britain. In addition, British treatment of Holocaust survivors and tactics in Palestine were earning Britain bad publicity around the world, particularly in the United States, and earned the British government constant diplomatic harassment from the Truman administration. Meanwhile, depending on perspective, a low-level guerrilla war, or campaigns of terrorism, continued through 1947 and 1948. Eventually, Jewish insurgency against the British was overshadowed by the Jewish-Arab fighting of the
1947–48 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine, which started following the UN vote in favour of the United Nations Partition Plan. In 1947, the United States chapter of the
United Jewish Appeal raised $150 million in its annual appeal – at that time the largest sum of money ever raised by a charity dependent on private contributions. Half was earmarked for Palestine.
The Times reported that Palestine brought more dollars into the sterling zone than any other country, save Britain. In April 1947 the issue was formally referred to the UN. By this time over 100,000 British soldiers were stationed in Palestine. Referral to the UN led to a period of uncertainty over Palestine's future. A United Nations committee, the
United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) was sent to investigate the problem. On August 31, 1947, UNSCOP recommended that Palestine be partitioned into Jewish and Arab states. On September 20, 1947, the British cabinet voted to evacuate Palestine. Although the insurgency played a major role in persuading the British to quit Palestine, other factors also influenced British policy. Britain, facing a deep economic crisis and heavily dependent on the United States, was facing a massive financial burden over its many colonies, military bases, and commitments abroad. At the same time, Britain had also lost the centerpiece of the rationale of its Middle East policy after the end of the
British Raj in Colonial India. Britain's Middle East policy had been centered around protecting the flanks of its sea lines of communication to India. After the British Raj ended, Britain no longer needed Palestine. Finally, Britain still had alternative locations such as
Egypt,
Libya, and
Kenya to base its troops. Britain refused to comply with these conditions on the grounds that the decision was unacceptable to the Arabs. It neither allowed Jewish immigration outside the monthly quota, nor granted control to the UN representatives (who became known as the "five lonely pilgrims"). A statement issued by the British Ambassador to the UN stated that the inmates on Cyprus would be released with the termination of the mandate. The British also refused to cooperate with the UN commission that was sent to monitor the transition; when the commission's six members arrived in Palestine in January 1948, British High Commissioner
Alan Cunningham allotted them an unventilated Jerusalem basement from which to work out of. They were gradually reduced to foraging for food and drink and prevented from carrying out their duties. As the British began to withdraw during the closing months of the mandate, civil war erupted in Palestine between the Jews and Arabs. During this period, as well as restricting Jewish immigration, Britain handed over strategic military and police positions to the Arabs as they abandoned them and froze Jewish Agency assets in London banks. In revenge, Lehi
mined two trains. The first such attack, which took place on 29 February, hit the military coaches of a passenger train north of
Rehovot, killing 28 British soldiers and wounding 35. Another attack on 31 March killed 40 people and injured 60. Although there were soldiers on board, all of the casualties were civilians. The Haganah had previously spared the railway bridge at
Rosh HaNikra during their 1946
Night of the Bridges operation. Following the late-1947 announcement that the British would
withdraw from Palestine months ahead of schedule, however, the bridge was destroyed by the 21st Battalion under the
Palmach in late February 1948 to hinder Lebanese arms shipments to Arab forces opposing the UN Partition Plan. As repairs were prohibitively expensive, the tunnels were later completely sealed. This ended the only connection between the European and North African standard gauge railway networks. In April 1948, the
Security Council called upon all governments to prevent fighting personnel or arms from entering Palestine. Five and a half months of civil war in Palestine saw a decisive Jewish victory. Jewish forces, led by the Haganah, consolidated their hold on a strip of territory on the coastal plain of Palestine and the Jezreel and Jordan Valleys, and crushed the Palestinian Arab militas. Palestinian society collapsed. ==Aftermath: British policy during the 1948 War==