Dillon played a decisive role in opposing O'Brien's "doctrine of conciliation" in Irish politics, especially during the 1902
Land Conference and after O'Brien won the subsequent
Wyndham Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903. O'Brien was viciously attacked by Dillon, who bore an instinctive dislike of negotiations with landlords, unwilling to accommodate the
landlord class, he never shed his mistrust of dialogue with Unionists. His theory was that agrarian unrest better favoured achieving Home Rule by putting relentless pressure on landlords and the government. His attacks and those of the party's
Freeman's Journal alienated O'Brien who left the Party in November 1903. O'Brien's engagement during 1904–5 with the
Irish Reform Association and his appraising of the 1907
Irish Council Bill were equally condemned by Dillon who despised all dealings with the "hereditary enemy". The ensuing breach never healed. Dillon subsequently gained control of the UIL through his protégé, its new secretary
Joseph Devlin, MP for
Belfast West, with whom Dillon always maintained a close alliance. With the UIL and the IPP practically fused into a single body, Dillon later had MP members associated with O'Brien's policy of conciliation, amongst them
Thomas O'Donnell and
D. D. Sheehan, expelled as "factionists" from the party. The Home Rule Movement, influenced very greatly by Dillon, reverted to a narrow traditional stand, which opposed any chance of an inclusive nationalism and failed to include new interests within Catholic society. His Home Rule Movement was largely a confessional ethnic body, sustained largely by the
Ancient Order of Hibernians, an exclusively Catholic and secret fraternity, largely under the control of his close associate Joe Devlin. Dillion's Home Rule Movement was characterised by permanent class war and did not facilitate the working of the Wyndham Land Act; conflict above victory. Dillon suffered occasional health incapacities causing irregular attendance at
Westminster, particularly when his wife died in 1907 though after the Liberals returned to power in
1906, he was more often consulted. Between 1910 and 1914 the Irish Home Rule question re-emerged, introduced by Prime Minister
H. H. Asquith. In his approach to Irish self-government under Home Rule took a more uncompromising stand than Redmond's, who during the
Ulster crisis of 1913 was prepared to concede a large measure of local autonomy to Ulster. On 15 and 16 January Dillon spent lunch at the Commons with one of his closest supporters, Guardian editor,
C. P. Scott, and ardent home ruler, he urged the Irish leader to lobby the new Labour MPs. It was unthinkable for Dillon, who put the integrity of Ireland foremost: he poured scorn on
Edward Carson's
Ulster Unionist Party and their
Ulster Volunteers' threat of civil war as being a gigantic bluff. Scott courted Dillon's opinion most assiduously at the
Bath Club and his Manchester home in favour of "gradual strengthening of the military force in Ulster", without support the police might "cave in altogether". "Incredibly weak" Dillon was unable to prevent Carson's amendments to Crewe's Home Rule bill. Likewise Dillon condemned O'Brien's new
All-for-Ireland League's proposals for concessions to Ulster as encouraging their demands. He remained inflexible at various meetings, including the 1914
Buckingham Palace Conference's endeavour to settle the problem of Ulster. He agreed only reluctantly to Redmond conceding to six counties temporarily opting out of the
Home Rule Act 1914, which in September received
Royal Assent but was suspended for the duration of World War I. Dillon was a strong opponent of giving women the vote, telling a group of women that "women's suffrage will I believe, be the ruin of our western civilisation. It will destroy the home, challenging the headship of man, laid down by God. It may come in your time - I hope not in mine." == Uncompromising stand for peace ==