The "Rooney Affair": An early crisis in relations between the executive and judiciary
The
independence of the judiciary has been a particular problem in
developing countries, though it was confirmed early in Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea's Constitution purports to adopt the principle of the
separation of powers, enunciated in US
jurisprudence in an environment where the three branches of government are indeed separate, the
executive not being responsible to the
legislature. In
PNG as in
Australia, the principle is in fact somewhat artificially defined simply to mean that the
judiciary is independent from
executive interference, as established by the
English Bill of Rights, 1689; however, the principle does not extend, as was established in
Australia during the early years of the
Australian federation, to preventing the courts from rendering
advisory opinions to the
executive; nor are there any implications with respect to the
quasi-judicial function of
administrative tribunals, also an issue at one time in
Australia (see
Separation of powers in Australia). The principle was quickly tested in Papua New Guinea. In 1979, four years after Independence, the then-Minister of Justice, Mrs
Nahau Rooney, wrote a widely circulated letter critical of what she perceived as a lack of sensitivity by the then entirely
expatriate-personnel
Supreme Court to a "growing
national consciousness": in particular Mrs Rooney was impatient with the purportedly excessively legalistic approach of the Bench to the indigenising of the laws of Papua New Guinea; she was also critical of a
Supreme Court Justice's enjoining of a
deportation order by the
Executive. The then-
Chief Justice,
Sir William Prentice, called a special sitting of the full bench to condemn the minister for what the court characterised as interference with
judicial independence. Mrs Rooney responded by stating that she had "no confidence in the Chief Justice and other Judges....It appears that the foreign judges on the bench are only interested in administration of
foreign laws and not the feelings and aspirations of the
nation's political leaders." The court then convicted Mrs Rooney of
contempt in respect of the initial letter and of scandalising the court in respect of the subsequent comments and sentenced her to eight months in
prison. The
Prime Minister released her
on licence after she had served one day of her sentence and four judges including the
Chief Justice promptly resigned, a fifth having previously resigned over a related matter. The vacancies were, after a period of some uncertainty, filled by the first national justices, the new Chief Justice
Buri Kidu, Mr Justice
Mari Kapi (who eventually succeeded Kidu CJ), and Acting Justice
Bernard Narokobi, together with expatriate justices who had had long experience in Papua New Guinea as trial lawyers or magistrates. Three considerable
ironies emerged in the long term from the Rooney Affair: (1) The vigorous criticism of the Bench by a member of the
executive (or indeed the general public) would certainly not have occasioned so drastic response by the judiciary in other
common law jurisdictions such as
Canada and the
USA which also have a
constitutionally-guaranteed
right of freedom of expression. (2) Notwithstanding the immediate departure of the old guard of
colonial-era
expatriate justices and their replacement by national
justices, the
Supreme Court did not then undertake any radical new departures by way of indigenising Papua New Guinea
jurisprudence and indeed has been notably cautious in undertaking
judicial law reform by way of implementing
social policy. And (3) Since the Rooney Affair members of the Executive have been notably timorous in articulating criticism of the Bench, notwithstanding extensive overseas
jurisprudence permitting comment on the courts in countries with similar constitutional arrangements whose constitutions include near-identical guarantees of
rights and
freedoms to those contained in the Constitution of Papua New Guinea. On the other hand, it must be said that legal commentators in the neighbouring
common law countries of
Singapore and
Malaysia are — to the extent that they are aware of events in Papua New Guinea — somewhat admiring of the extent to which Papua New Guinea's judiciary has maintained its
independence as this is unusual in their political environments. In 2006 the independence of the judiciary was briefly challenged when Sir
Arnold Amet, the immediately retired
Chief Justice of Papua New Guinea, who was in the process of inaugurating a post-judicial political career, launched a series of articles in the Malaysian-owned newspaper
The National in which he politically challenged the deliberations of the court over which he had formerly presided with respect to a capital case which was then
sub judice. The newspaper was smartly reminded by the court that such challenge was likely to result in severe
sanctions, and Sir Arnold withdrew. ==See also==