In February 1890, Caprivi was summoned to Berlin by Emperor Wilhelm II and informed that he was Wilhelm's intended candidate to replace Bismarck as
Chancellor, if the latter resisted Wilhelm's proposed changes to the government. Upon Bismarck's dismissal on 18 March, Caprivi became chancellor of Germany and
Minister President of Prussia. Though his exact motives are unknown, Wilhelm appears to have viewed Caprivi as a moderate who would make a sufficiently strong replacement for Bismarck, should the former chancellor make trouble in retirement, yet lacked the ambition to seriously oppose the throne. For his part, Caprivi was unenthusiastic, yet felt duty-bound to obey the Emperor. He said to one gathering, "I know that I shall be covered in mud, that I shall fall ingloriously". After his appointment, Caprivi wrote in the
Berliner Tageblatt that the main task of Bismarck's successor would be "to lead the nation back after the preceding epoch of great men and deeds to an everyday existence." Caprivi's administration was marked by moves towards conciliation of the
Social Democrats on the domestic front, and towards a
pro-British foreign policy. This approach is known to historians as the "" ("New Course"), a term coined by Wilhelm II in 1890. The American historian
Robert K. Massie characterises Caprivi at the time of his appointment as follows: Caprivi promised at the beginning of his tenure "To adopt what is good, wherever and whomever it comes from, if it is compatible with the national interest." However, the important economic policies of his government derived from the ideas of
Johannes von Miquel, leader of the
National Liberals. In various areas, including social policy, reforms were announced. Within Prussia, Caprivi's most important collaborators were the trade minister , the interior minister , and the war minister
Hans von Kaltenborn-Stachau. At the imperial level, his key allies were the
Secretary for the Interior Karl von Boetticher and
Secretary for the Foreign Affairs Adolf von Bieberstein. Caprivi's policy of moderation had clear limits; the authority of the monarchy and the state was not to be diminished. Legal restrictions of
rights of association, for example, were not removed, the disciplinary rules for
Beamte were strengthened, and appointments in the judiciary went to trusted conservatives. Nipperdey characterises this policy as "enlightened bureaucratic-conservatism." In order to carry out his political agenda, Caprivi, like Bismarck before him, required the approval of the
Reichstag. A new factor, however, was that the Emperor now wished to exercise direct political influence. His changing positions and apparently absolutist desires became a decisive political factor from the time of Caprivi's appointment onwards. Opposition from Bismarck also remained a significant factor. A further problem for Caprivi was the relationship between the German Empire and Prussia. Unlike Bismarck, Caprivi's leadership style within the
Prussian State Ministry was markedly collegial. This change was made clear even in his appointment speech in the
Prussian House of Representatives. Unlike Bismarck, he never demanded to be present with the emperor when one of his ministers was exercising his rights of immediate authority. However, this made it more difficult for him to get political policies implemented and allowed the Prussian finance minister Miquel to gain influence well beyond his area of authority.
Foreign Policy Ending the Reinsurance Treaty Only a week into office, Caprivi was forced to choose whether to renew the
Reinsurance Treaty, a secret alliance Bismarck had made with Russia. Although he was a military man, war was not a political option for Caprivi and he opposed General
Alfred von Waldersee's proposal for Germany to ally with
Austria-Hungary and carry out a
preventive war against
Russia. Nevertheless, he followed the decision of officials of the
Foreign Office around
Friedrich von Holstein not to renew the Reinsurance Treaty and focus on a more straightforward alliance with
Austria-Hungary. Unaware of the Foreign Office's determination, Wilhelm II had personally assured Russian Ambassador Count
Pavel Andreyevich Shuvalov that the treaty would be renewed. When Caprivi discussed the issue with the Emperor, Wilhelm II yielded to his Chancellor, unwilling to dismiss another chancellor one week after dismissing Bismarck. The treaty was not renewed, and Shuvalov was shocked at the sudden reversal. The decision led to the Reinsurance Treaty becoming public knowledge for the first time and prompted sharp criticism from supporters of Bismarck. In the press, Caprivi was subsequently attacked as a dilettante in foreign policy. Several historians have argued that this decision caused the encirclement of Germany which finally led to it fighting on two fronts in the
First World War. However, the German relationship with Russia had already deteriorated in the final years of Bismarck's chancellorship, especially as a result of trade disputes regarding Russian agricultural exports. At the same time, strong forces in Russian politics were already pushing for a rapprochement with France in the late 1880s. It is unclear that renewing the Reinsurance Treaty could have overcome these factors. Although the ending of the Reinsurance Treaty was not the beginning of the crisis in German-Russian relations, it did have considerable consequences. In 1893 and 1894, Russia forged the
Alliance with France and Germany was thus more closely committed to Austria-Hungary. Thus, the decision contributed to the formation of competing power blocks in Europe. In place of the Reinsurance Treaty, Caprivi pursued the
Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and
Italy. He then sought to expand this through good relations with
Britain.
Colonial policy Success in Caprivi's pro-British policy was exemplified by the
Heligoland–Zanzibar Treaty of July 1890, which had been largely prepared under Bismarck. In this treaty, the British gave Germany the small island of
Heligoland in the
North Sea and a strip of land named the
Caprivi Strip after him, which was added to
German South West Africa, thus linking that territory with the
Zambezi River. Caprivi's goal in acquiring Heligoland was to secure the German North Sea coast and he hoped that the Caprivi strip would allow Germany to use the Zambezi for trade and communications with eastern Africa (the river proved to be unnavigable). In return, Germany gave up its protectorate over
Wituland and
Zanzibar in East Africa. More generally, the treaty was intended as a signal to Britain that Germany did not seek to challenge its status as the dominant colonial power. Caprivi hoped that the treaty would be the beginning of closer relations between the two countries, culminating in an alliance. The British also wanted closer relations, but Caprivi's government failed to make an agreement. This was partially due to conflicting approaches and interests in the
Ottoman Empire. The treaty also sparked opposition to Caprivi within Germany from colonialist pressure-groups like the
Alldeutscher Verband. In general, Caprivi did not believe that Germany should compete with other powers for overseas colonies but rather should focus on its position within Europe, since he did not think that Germany would be able to defend an extensive colonial empire against the British in the event of a war. As a result, he did not support expansion of the
German Colonial Empire.
Trade policy Caprivi pursued an aggressive trade policy, saying "either we export goods or we export men." In his view, German
Great Power status was not sustainable in the long-term without a powerful industrial sector. He also considered trade policy part of general foreign policy and sought to bind other countries to Germany politically through commercial treaties. A tightly intertwined "economic area of 130 million men" was meant to prevent the outbreak of military conflicts. He obtained commercial treaties with Austria, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, Serbia, Romania, Belgium, and Russia. These treaties reduced protective agricultural tariffs, which lowered the price of food in Germany. They also assisted the expansion of German trade through exports of industrial products. In sum, Caprivi's approach marked the end of the protectionist '''' of the later part of Bismarck's chancellorship, but it was far from being a policy of
free trade. Caprivi's policy enjoyed the support of a majority in the Reichstag and Wilhelm II cited his economic policies as grounds for his decision to promote Caprivi to the status of
Count. This general support subsided quickly after Caprivi ended the trade war with Russia in 1894. This not only allowed the export of German industrial products but also a limited increase in agricultural imports to Germany. The damaged relationship with Russia was clearly improved, but internally it brought fierce opposition from agriculturalists. Opponents were angry at the downplaying of German agriculture in favor of urban workers. Led by East Elbian
Junkers, a coalition emerged that included peasant farmers, artisans, and conservative intellectuals hostile to the emerging industrial society. They demanded the Kaiser remove Caprivi. The
Agrarian League was launched in 1893 to protest the reduction in tariffs against imported grains. The league was organized nationally like a political party, with local chapters, centralized discipline, and a clear-cut platform. It fought against free trade, industrialization, and liberalism. Its most hated enemy was socialism, which it blamed on Jewish financial capitalism. The League helped establish grassroots anti-Semitism of the sort that flourished into the 1930s.
Domestic policy Policy of compromise and the announcement of a "social empire" (
Neuruppin print from 1890) Caprivi saw the state as a monarchical-social authority, based on Christian traditions. He sought to include all political parties through a balance of opposing domestic viewpoints. This was welcomed in the Reichstag and in public discourse. Caprivi saw himself as a kind of mediator between the crown and the Reichstag. However, he could not rely on the support of a strong party in the Reichstag and had to cobble together regularly shifting majorities. Nonetheless, the policy of compromise (
Politik des Ausgleichs) initially had a real chance of success. He attempted not only to win the support of civic liberals and conservative forces, but also to forge a working arrangement with representatives of the
Poles and the recently annexed
Province of Hanover in the Reichstag. The abolition of the decreased tension with the
German-Hanoverian Party. Caprivi believed that the support of the Poles would be required in the event of a war with Russia and - more immediately - he needed the votes of their representatives in the Reichstag. He made concessions on the question of Polish language use in schools, eased work of Polish
cooperative banks, and permitted a Polish archbishop for
Poznań and
Gniezno. However, the policy did not survive Caprivi's resignation and had no enduring consequences. More consequential were his overtures to the
Centre Party and the
Social Democrats. By reimbursing the Catholic Church for state money that had been frozen during the
Kulturkampf, Caprivi sought to win over the Catholic camp represented by the Centre Party. He conciliated the
SPD by abandoning any attempt to renew the
Anti-Socialist Laws and announcing reforms to the
Prussian three-class franchise. However, this policy had clear limits: the executive, police, and judiciary continued to oppose the social democrats even without a special law. The attempt to modify the Prussian three-class franchise was rebuffed by the traditional elites, who forced the resignation of the interior minister and his replacement with the conservative
Botho zu Eulenburg.
Social policy and tax reform The
social question meant that a progressive
social policy was a central aspect of the reforms. Initially, these reforms were fully supported by Wilhelm II, in line with his idea of a "social empire." Caprivi attempted to use socio-political measures to neutralise the "revolutionary threat" supposedly posed by social democracy. In addition to the initial express support of Wilhelm II, the reforms were especially pushed by the Prussian minister of trade, . The employment of children under the age of 13, who had not yet completed their compulsory schooling, in factories was forbidden and 13- to 18-year-olds restricted to a maximum 10-hour day. In 1891 Sunday working was forbidden and a guaranteed minimum wage introduced, and working hours for women were reduced to a maximum of 11. In addition, labour regulations were passed and industrial tribunals were established in 1890 to arbitrate in industrial disputes. Caprivi explicitly invited social-democratic representatives of trade unions to sit on these tribunals. An amendment of the Prussian mining law was proposed and support was offered for
workers' housing. However, this policy had already come to a standstill in the later part of Caprivi's chancellorship. The "Miquelsche tax reform", named for
Johannes von Miquel, introduced a
progressive income tax for the first time, which was supported by lower-income earners and also benefited landowners. In connection with the tax reform, new rural district regulations were passed, which extended
suffrage to 200,000 people who had hitherto been excluded from political participation. The conservatives successfully watered down the reform so that only a minority of manors were affected.
Opposition to Caprivi played a substantial role in the collapse of Caprivi's chancellorship and was his successor as Minister-President of Prussia. Due to his "Policy of Compromise" and especially his foreign and trade policies, opposition to Caprivi became widespread. It was particularly strong on the right, but eventually the army and Wilhelm II became opponents as well.
Right-wing opposition An important role in the development of right-wing opposition was played by Otto von Bismarck, who took advantage of positive statements about Caprivi from his "support parties", in order to publicly campaign against the "leftist policy" of his successor. Bismarck's position was strengthened by Caprivi's clumsiness, when he blocked a planned meeting between Bismarck and
Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria-Hungary. Bismarck had been unpopular at the end of his chancellorship, but he now improved his reputation and became a centre of a right-wing opposition movement. After the conclusion of the Zanzibar treaty with Britain, supporters of colonialism attacked Caprivi for selling off German interests. Even Bismarck, whose attitudes towards overseas expansion were lukewarm, participated in the attacks, with sharp criticism. An important opponent of the restrained colonial policy was the
Alldeutscher Verband, a popular right-wing organisation. Meanwhile, Caprivi's trade policy led to strong opposition among conservative landowners. There were massive protests, in which large landowners were notable participants. This proclamation in 1893 led to the establishment of the
German Agrarian League. On 20 December 1893, the conservative
Kreuzzeitung spoke of an "unbridgeable chasm between the chancellor and the conservatives." In the
German Conservative Party, criticism focussed especially on the rural district reforms, the commercial treaty with Austria in 1891, and the failure of a school reform based on religious confession. Hitherto, the party had been friendly to government, but it now become an oppositional force. At the
Tivoliparteitag of 1892 it declared its support for
Adolf Stoecker and his
anti-semitic position.
Education bill and resignation in Prussia Caprivi was also attacked by the
National Liberals,
Progressives,
Free-minded liberals, and
Free Conservatives whom he had tried to bring into his tent. The reason for this was an educational bill providing denominational board schools, a failed attempt to re-integrate the Catholic
Centre Party into the conservative establishment after the
Kulturkampf. Caprivi, although himself a Protestant, needed the 100 votes of the Catholic Centre Party but that alarmed the Protestant politicians. The publication of the draft law prompted an unexpectedly strong storm of indignation from civic liberals and moderate conservatives. Wilhelm II withdrew his support from the law. After the culture minister, resigned in 1892, Caprivi offered his own resignation as well. As a result, Caprivi lost his position as
Prussian Minister President and was replaced by Count
Botho zu Eulenburg, leading to an untenable division of powers between the Chancellor and the Prussian premier. Caprivi had lost the Emperor's trust, even as the conflict between Caprivi and Eulenburg increased the Emperor's ability to exercise personal authority.
Clash over the Military bill Simultaneously, a conflict arose over a new military bill. This consisted of an increase in the strength of the
Imperial German Army and a decrease in
military service from three years to two. The shortening of military service provoked considerable criticism from traditional military men in the Emperor's circle. Wilhelm himself harshly criticised the reduction of military service, since his grandfather Wilhelm I had instituted the three-year military service through considerable personal effort with the support of Bismarck in the 1860s. Some modernisers welcomed the measures, because they raised the number of reservists, but overall Caprivi lost support in military circles. Wilhelm II initially opposed the bill, but eventually allowed himself to be persuaded by the chancellor. Caprivi was unable to get the bill through the Reichstag, so he had it dissolved and called an
early election in 1893. The newly elected Reichstag approved a plan which accorded with Caprivi's intentions. The left-liberals splintered on the military question.
Eugen Richter and his
Free-minded People's Party rejected the plan completely, but the
Free-minded Union sought a compromise with Caprivi. The Centre Party was initially prepared to support Caprivi, but withdrew from him after the failure of the school reforms and as the criticism of the military plan increased.
Fall By 1893, Caprivi's position had been weakened by several factors. Caprivi clashed with Wilhelm increasingly during his term as Chancellor, offering his resignation nearly a dozen times in four years. The Kaiser privately called him "a sensitive old fathead". In the Reichstag, there was no stable majority. Prussia had become an independent centre of power. The anger of the
Conservatives intensified, accompanied by constant public attacks by retired Bismarck. The actual end of Caprivi's chancellorship was triggered by his approach to the social democrats. The emperor had moved away from his initial social policy, under the influence of
Carl Ferdinand von Stumm-Halberg, and now supported a law against the "revolutionary parties." Accordingly, Eulenburg announced an Imperial law against "revolutionary tendencies." It was clear that the Reichstag would not agree to this law, so he proposed that the Reichstag be dissolved and new elections held. Since a new Reichstag was also likely to reject the law against "revolutionary tendencies," he also proposed to enact a new electoral law which would insure the desired majority. In addition, Eulenburg's plan was also intended to get rid of Caprivi, who would not support a law akin to the Anti-Socialist laws that he himself had abolished. Wilhelm II made his own support for a battle against the "parties of revolution" clear. Caprivi remained opposed and offered his resignation. At first Wilhelm attempted to prevent this and turned against Eulenberg. But Eulenburg managed to persuade Wilhelm II that Caprivi was responsible for the publication of important private conversations between the emperor and the chancellor. Thus, on 26 October 1894, Wilhelm II required both Caprivi and Eulenburg to resign. They were succeeded by
Prince Chlodwig von Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst. Caprivi destroyed his papers on the evening of his resignation and departed for
Montreux the next day. He made no public appearances for months and, throughout his retirement, he refused to speak or write publicly about his experiences as Chancellor or share his opinions on current events. He lived with his nephew at Skyren (today known as
Skórzyn, Poland) and died there in 1899. == Contemporary evaluations and historiography ==