On July 31, 1997, the women of Malicounda Bambara decided to announce their decision to abandon female genital cutting (FGC) to the world. They were joined by 20 Senegalese journalists as well as representatives of the Ministries of Health and Family, Social Action and National Solidarity to witness the first public declaration ending the practice of FGC. This social convention is believed to have originated in Egypt over 2,000 years ago and today is practiced in at least 28 African countries. FGC is a social norm in practicing cultures, and an uncut women coming from a practicing village would be excluded from her social group, family, friends and have difficulty finding a spouse. The actual operation is usually done by a designated woman in the community at the behest of the mother or grandmother of the girl undergoing the procedure. Halting FGC has been an aim of various local and international NGOs since the 1970s, when the term
female genital mutilation was coined in order to establish, according to the WHO, "a clear linguistic distinction from male circumcision, and [to emphasize] the gravity and harm of the act." The term
female genital cutting is generally preferred among agencies working to end the practice. FGC is seen as less stigmatizing than FGM, and indeed is the term used at the local level when discussed by practicing groups. NGOs working to end FGM/C in Senegal and elsewhere in Africa generally prefer to use FGC in an effort to communicate respect for traditional culture and avoid demonization of practitioners as well as women who have been subject to the procedure. The women of Malicounda Bambara came to their decision while taking part in the
Community Empowerment Program (CEP) of the international NGO
Tostan, based in Dakar. Tostan's holistic program in fact does not take the abandonment of FGC as its overarching goal; the declaration of Malicounda Bambara was made entirely on the volition of the class members – with the support of the wider community – after sessions covering human rights, health and hygiene.
Tostan's influence After several courses addressing human rights and women's rights, facilitator Ndéye Maguette Diop began Session 14 of Module 7 of the CEP with her class during August 1996, focusing on the health risks associated with FGC. The CEP is designed so as to not pass judgment on this ancient practice, but simply to inform the population of both the short- and long-term risks associated with the operation. To better facilitate the exchange of ideas in the different modules, traditional African modes of communication and arts, such as theater, are frequently used. Diop recounts the story: In the beginning, the women weren't very sure they wanted to act out a play based on the story of Poolel. We had kept the name of the girl the same. Being a
pulaar name, the ideas was to not implicate Bambaras in the tragedy, which probably helped. The women adapted the story into a play and ended up acting it out, but would refuse to discuss it afterward. I continued to ask them the questions, following the module; no one wanted to respond. The discussions up until now had been very lively. I wondered: Why were they refusing to discuss the subject? Was it because I'm wolof and have not been cut? We repeated the session three times. After the third, they began, timidly, to talk, and their faces began to brighten up. They said they admired and respected the ancient practice because of the tradition associated with it, and because both men and religious leaders expected it of the women. Nevertheless, their training in personal rights let them understand that they had the right to be healthy, and that they also had the right to express themselves and give their opinions. The women didn't have any knowledge of these rights beforehand and had never spoken of FGC between themselves. Finally, we got to the point where we talked about it frequently together. The women decided to speak about the harmful consequences on women's health caused by the practice with their "adopted sisters" [a component of the CEP] as well as with their husbands... They acted out their play in other neighboring communities and decided to bring the women of these communities into their discussion. The women participants continued over the following months to discuss the subject on their own, outside the classroom. As recounted above by Diop, a curious phenomenon in the form of a methodical, progressive approach to tackling the subject took place: "The discussions were organized in concentric circles. The women began them in their class. The circle enlarged when their adoptive sisters and spouses were brought into the fold. Then, little by little, the circle of knowledge, confidence and courage became bigger." During this process, the women approached the local imam for his opinion. To their surprise, he informed them that, contrary to their belief, there was no passage in the
Quran which supported the practice of FGC. Armed with this information, they continued the discourse using arguments based on their knowledge of the associated health risks, the lack of religious support, and the fact that FGC violates basic human rights such as the
right to health and
bodily integrity. By June 1997, the community collectively made the decision to organize no further FGC ceremonies: from then on, FGC would not be imposed on the daughters of Malicounda Bambara.
Immediate reactions Local Tostan coordinator Malick Guéye learned of the decision later that week and proceeded to inform
Molly Melching and others at Tostan headquarters the startling news. The decision was made to publicize the declaration and attempt to jumpstart a national dialogue on the subject. The event of July 31, 1997 was the impetus for a slew of newspaper articles and radio interviews in which the women of Malicounda Bambara were forced to defend their decision. Many spoke out against the declaration as an abandonment of tradition under Western influence; the women countered using their knowledge of universal human rights, contending the practice hindered African development and was an affront to the rights of women and children. Despite the uproar, their argument resonated among other communities and the movement to abandon FGC in Senegal began to spread. ==Impact of the Decision==