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Affordable Care Act

The Affordable Care Act (ACA), formally the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) and informally known as Obamacare, is a landmark U.S. federal statute enacted by the 111th United States Congress and signed into law by President Barack Obama on March 23, 2010. Together with amendments made to it by the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010, it represents the U.S. healthcare system's most significant regulatory overhaul and expansion of coverage since the enactment of Medicare and Medicaid in 1965. Most of the act remains in effect.

Provisions
and Nancy Pelosi celebrate after the House passes the amended bill on March 21. ACA amended the Public Health Service Act of 1944 and inserted new provisions on affordable care into Title 42 of the United States Code. The individual insurance market was radically overhauled, and many of the law's regulations applied specifically to this market, The requirements took effect on January 1, 2014. They include: • Guaranteed issue prohibits insurers from denying coverage to individuals because of preexisting conditions. • States were required to ensure the availability of insurance for individual children who did not have coverage via their families. • A partial community rating allows premiums to vary only by age and location, regardless of preexisting conditions. Premiums for older applicants can be no more than three times those for the youngest. • Essential health benefits must be provided. The National Academy of Medicine defines the law's "essential health benefits" as "ambulatory patient services; emergency services; hospitalization; maternity and newborn care; mental health and substance use disorder services, including behavioral health treatment; prescription drugs; rehabilitative and habilitative services and devices; laboratory services; preventive and wellness services and chronic disease management; and pediatric services, including oral and vision care" rated Level A or B by the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force. • Preventive care and screenings for women. "[A]ll Food and Drug Administration approved contraceptive methods, sterilization procedures, and patient education and counseling for all women with reproductive capacity". This mandate applies to all employers and educational institutions except for religious organizations. • Insurers are forbidden from dropping policyholders when they become ill. • All policies must provide an annual maximum out-of-pocket (MOOP) payment cap for an individual's or family's medical expenses (excluding premiums). After the MOOP payment is reached, all remaining costs must be paid by the insurer. • Preventive care, vaccinations and medical screenings cannot be subject to co-payments, co-insurance or deductibles. • Insurers are required to implement an appeals process for coverage determination and claims on all new plans. Among the groups who were not subject to the individual mandate are: • Undocumented immigrants. Estimated at 8million, roughly a third of the 23 million projection, they are ineligible for insurance subsidies and Medicaid. set to $0 the penalty for not complying with the individual mandate, starting in 2019. Exchanges ACA mandated that health insurance exchanges be provided for each state. The exchanges are regulated, largely online marketplaces, administered by either federal or state governments, where individuals, families and small businesses can purchase private insurance plans. States that set up their own exchanges have some discretion on standards and prices. Alternatively, states can make the federal government responsible for operating their exchanges. After-subsidy premiums for the second lowest cost silver plan (SCLSP) just below the cliff are 9.86% of income in 2019. Subsidies are provided as an advanceable, refundable tax credit.) Small businesses are eligible for a tax credit provided they enroll in the SHOP Marketplace. The latter was defined as mandatory spending that does not require an annual Congressional appropriation. CSR payments were not explicitly defined as mandatory. This led to litigation and disruption later. Risk management Risk corridors The risk-corridor program was a temporary risk management device. It was intended to encourage reluctant insurers into ACA insurance market from 2014 to 2016. For those years the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) would cover some of the losses for insurers whose plans performed worse than they expected. Loss-making insurers would receive payments paid for in part by profit-making insurers. Similar risk corridors had been established for the Medicare prescription drug benefit. While many insurers initially offered exchange plans, the program did not pay for itself as planned, losing up to $8.3 billion for 2014 and 2015. Authorization had to be given so DHHS could pay insurers from "general government revenues". However, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2014 stated that no funds "could be used for risk-corridor payments". leaving the government in a potential breach of contract with insurers who offered qualified health plans. Several insurers sued the government at the United States Court of Federal Claims to recover the funds believed owed to them under the Risk Corridors program. While several were summarily closed, in the case of Moda Health v the United States, Moda Health won a $214-million judgment in February 2017. Federal Claims judge Thomas C. Wheeler stated, "the Government made a promise in the risk corridors program that it has yet to fulfill. Today, the court directs the Government to fulfill that promise." Moda Health's case was appealed by the government to the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit along with the appeals of the other insurers; here, the Federal Circuit reversed the Moda Health ruling and ruled across all the cases in favor of the government, that the appropriations riders ceded the government from paying out remain money due to the insurers. The Supreme Court reversed this ruling in the consolidated case, Maine Community Health Options v. United States, reaffirming as with Judge Wheeler that the government had a responsibility to pay those funds under the ACA and the use of riders to de-obligate its from those payments was illegal. Reinsurance The temporary reinsurance program is meant to stabilize premiums by reducing the incentive for insurers to raise premiums due to concerns about higher-risk enrollees. Reinsurance was based on retrospective costs rather than prospective risk evaluations. Reinsurance was available from 2014 through 2016. Risk adjustment Risk adjustment involves transferring funds from plans with lower-risk enrollees to plans with higher-risk enrollees. It was intended to encourage insurers to compete based on value and efficiency rather than by attracting healthier enrollees. Of the three risk management programs, only risk adjustment was permanent. Plans with low actuarial risk compensate plans with high actuarial risk. A 5% "income disregard" made the effective income eligibility limit for Medicaid 138% of the poverty level. and to hospitals that failed standards of efficiency and care. In ACA's companion legislation, the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010, an additional tax of 3.8% was applied to unearned income, specifically the lesser of net investment income and the amount by which adjusted gross income exceeds the above income limits. Excise taxes ACA included an excise tax of 40% ("Cadillac tax") on total employer premium spending in excess of specified dollar amounts (initially $10,200 for single coverage and $27,500 for family coverage) indexed to inflation. This tax was originally scheduled to take effect in 2018, but was delayed until 2020 by the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2016 and again to 2022. The excise tax on high-cost health plans was completely repealed as part of H.R.1865 - Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020. Excise taxes totaling $3 billion were levied on importers and manufacturers of prescription drugs. An excise tax of 2.3% on medical devices and a 10% excise tax on indoor tanning services were applied as well. The tax was repealed in late 2019. SCHIP The State Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) enrollment process was simplified. Employer mandate Businesses that employ fifty or more people but do not offer health insurance to their full-time employees are assessed additional tax if the government has subsidized a full-time employee's healthcare through tax deductions or other means. This is commonly known as the employer mandate. A single payment was to be paid to a hospital and a physician group for a defined episode of care (such as a hip replacement) rather than separate payments to individual service providers. Accountable care organizations The Medicare Shared Savings Program (MSSP) was established by section 3022 of the Affordable Care Act. It is the program by which an accountable care organization interacts with the federal government, and by which accountable care organizations can be created. It is a fee-for-service model. The Act allowed the creation of accountable care organizations (ACOs), which are groups of doctors, hospitals and other providers that commit to give coordinated care to Medicare patients. ACOs were allowed to continue using fee-for-service billing. They receive bonus payments from the government for minimizing costs while achieving quality benchmarks that emphasize prevention and mitigation of chronic disease. Missing cost or quality benchmarks subjected them to penalties. Unlike health maintenance organizations, ACO patients are not required to obtain all care from the ACO. Also, unlike HMOs, ACOs must achieve quality-of-care goals. By 2020, the "doughnut hole" would be completely filled. State waivers From 2017 onwards, states can apply for a "waiver for state innovation" which allows them to conduct experiments that meet certain criteria. The program was abolished as impractical without ever having taken effect. Consumer Operated and Oriented Plans (CO-OP), member-governed non-profit insurers, could start providing health care coverage, based on a 5-year federal loan. As of 2017, only four of the original 23 co-ops were still in operation, including Mountain Health CO-OP. Nutrition labeling requirements Nutrition labeling requirements officially took effect in 2010, but implementation was delayed, and they actually took effect on May 7, 2018. ==Legislative history==
Legislative history
ACA followed a long series of unsuccessful attempts by one party or the other to pass major insurance reforms. Innovations were limited to health savings accounts (2003), medical savings accounts (1996) or flexible spending accounts, which increased insurance options, but did not materially expand coverage. Health care was a major factor in multiple elections, but until 2009, neither party had the votes to overcome the other's opposition. Individual mandate The concept of an individual mandate goes back to at least 1989, when The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think-tank, proposed an individual mandate as an alternative to single-payer health care. It was championed for a time by conservative economists and Republican senators as a market-based approach to healthcare reform on the basis of individual responsibility and avoidance of free rider problems. Specifically, because the 1986 Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA) requires any hospital participating in Medicare (nearly all do) to provide emergency care to anyone who needs it, the government often indirectly bore the cost of those without the ability to pay. Clinton negotiated a compromise with the 105th Congress to instead enact the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in 1997. The failed Clinton plan included a mandate for employers to provide health insurance to all employees through a regulated marketplace of health maintenance organizations. Republican senators proposed an alternative that would have required individuals, but not employers, to buy insurance. The 1993 Republican Health Equity and Access Reform Today (HEART) Act, contained a "universal coverage" requirement with a penalty for noncompliance—an individual mandate—as well as subsidies to be used in state-based 'purchasing groups'. The 1994 Republican Consumer Choice Health Security Act, initially contained an individual mandate with a penalty provision; however, author Don Nickles subsequently removed the mandate, stating, "government should not compel people to buy health insurance". At the time of these proposals, Republicans did not raise constitutional issues; Mark Pauly, who helped develop a proposal that included an individual mandate for George H. W. Bush, remarked, "I don't remember that being raised at all. The way it was viewed by the Congressional Budget Office in 1994 was, effectively, as a tax." In 2006, an insurance expansion bill was enacted at the state level in Massachusetts. The bill contained both an individual mandate and an insurance exchange. Republican Governor Mitt Romney used a line-item veto on some provisions, and the Democratic legislature overrode some of his changes (including the mandate). Academic foundation A driving force behind Obama's healthcare reform was Peter Orszag, Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Obama called Orszag his "healthcare czar" because of his knowledge of healthcare reform. Orszag had previously been director of the Congressional Budget Office, and under his leadership the agency had focused on using cost analysis to create an affordable and effective approach to health care reform. Orszag claimed that healthcare reform became Obama's top agenda item because he wanted it to be his legacy. According to an article by Ryan Lizza in The New Yorker, the core of "the Obama budget is Orszag's belief [in]...a government empowered with research on the most effective medical treatments". Obama bet "his presidency on Orszag's thesis of comparative effectiveness." Orszag's policies were influenced by an article in The Annals of Internal Medicine co-authored by Elliott S. Fisher, David Wennberg and others. The article presented strong evidence based on the co-authors' research that numerous procedures, therapies and tests were being delivered with scant evidence of their medical value. If those procedures and tests could be eliminated, this evidence suggested, medical costs might provide the savings to give healthcare to the uninsured population. After reading a New Yorker article that used the "Dartmouth findings" to compare two counties in Texas with enormous variations in Medicare costs using hard data, Obama directed that his entire staff read it. More than anything else, the Dartmouth data intrigued Obama since it gave him an academic rationale for reshaping medicine. The concept of comparing the effectiveness of healthcare options based on hard data ("comparative effectiveness" and "evidence-based medicine") was pioneered by John E. Wennberg, founder of The Dartmouth Institute, co-founder of The Foundation for Informed Medical Decision Making and senior advisor to Health Dialog Inc., a venture that he and his researchers created to help insurers implement the Dartmouth findings. Healthcare debate, 2008–10 Healthcare reform was a major topic during the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries. As the race narrowed, attention focused on the plans presented by the two leading candidates, Hillary Clinton and the eventual nominee, Barack Obama. Each candidate proposed a plan to cover the approximately 45 million Americans estimated to not have health insurance at some point each year. Clinton's proposal would have required all Americans to obtain coverage (in effect, an individual mandate), while Obama's proposal provided a subsidy without a mandate. During the general election, Obama said fixing healthcare would be one of his top four priorities as president. , September 9, 2009 Obama announced to a joint session of Congress in February 2009 his intent to work with Congress to construct a plan for healthcare reform. Congressional Democrats and health policy experts, such as MIT economics professor Jonathan Gruber However, following the incorporation of an individual mandate into the proposal, Republicans threatened to filibuster any bill that contained it. including pharmaceutical and healthcare insurance company advocacy, to assure continued opposition from all Republicans and even from among more conservative Democrats, who had not fully supported the public option in earlier proposals. , September 12, 2009 During the August 2009 summer congressional recess, many members went back to their districts and held town hall meetings on the proposals. The nascent Tea Party movement organized protests and many conservative groups and individuals attended the meetings to oppose the proposed reforms. The bill ultimately incorporated elements of proposals that were reported favorably by the Senate Health and Finance committees. With the Republican Senate minority vowing to filibuster, 60 votes would be necessary to pass the Senate. At the start of the 111th Congress, Democrats had 58 votes. The Minnesota Senate election was ultimately won by Democrat Al Franken, making 59. Arlen Specter switched to the Democratic party in April 2009, giving them 60 seats, enough to end a filibuster. Negotiations were undertaken attempting to satisfy moderate Democrats and to bring Republican senators aboard; particular attention was given to Republicans Bennett, Enzi, Grassley and Snowe. After the Finance Committee vote on October 15, negotiations turned to moderate Democrats. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid focused on satisfying centrists. The holdouts came down to Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, an independent who caucused with Democrats, and conservative Nebraska Democrat Ben Nelson. Lieberman's demand that the bill not include a public option The White House and Reid addressed Nelson's concerns during a 13-hour negotiation with two concessions: a compromise on abortion, modifying the language of the bill "to give states the right to prohibit coverage of abortion within their own insurance exchanges", which would require consumers to pay for the procedure out of pocket if the state so decided; and an amendment to offer a higher rate of Medicaid reimbursement for Nebraska. The latter half of the compromise was derisively termed the "Cornhusker Kickback" and was later removed. On December 23, the Senate voted 60–39 to end debate on the bill: a cloture vote to end the filibuster. The bill then passed, also 60–39, on December 24, 2009, with all Democrats and two independents voting for it, and all Republicans against (except Jim Bunning, who did not vote). On January 19, 2010, Massachusetts Republican Scott Brown was elected to the Senate in a special election to replace the recently deceased Ted Kennedy, having campaigned on giving the Republican minority the 41st vote needed to sustain Republican filibusters. Additionally, the symbolic importance of losing Kennedy's traditionally Democratic Massachusetts seat made many Congressional Democrats concerned about the political cost of the bill. He held a meeting with both parties' leaders on February 25. The Democrats decided the House would pass the Senate's bill, to avoid another Senate vote. House Democrats had expected to be able to negotiate changes in a House–Senate conference before passing a final bill. Since any bill that emerged from conference that differed from the Senate bill would have to pass the Senate over another Republican filibuster, most House Democrats agreed to pass the Senate bill on condition that it be amended by a subsequent bill. Although the already-passed Senate bill could not have been passed by reconciliation, most of House Democrats' demands were budgetary: "these changes—higher subsidy levels, different kinds of taxes to pay for them, nixing the Nebraska Medicaid deal—mainly involve taxes and spending. In other words, they're exactly the kinds of policies that are well-suited for reconciliation." This won the support of Stupak and members of his group and assured the bill's passage. The House passed the Senate bill with a 219–212 vote on March 21, 2010, with 34 Democrats and all 178 Republicans voting against it. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 eliminated the fine for violating the individual mandate, starting in 2019. (The requirement itself is still in effect.) In 2019 Congress repealed the so-called "Cadillac" tax on health insurance benefits, an excise tax on medical devices, and the Health Insurance Tax. The American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, expanded subsidies for marketplace health plans. A continuation of these subsidies was introduced as part of the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022. ==Impact==
Impact
reported in March 2016 that approximately 12 million people were covered by the exchanges (10 million of whom received subsidies) and 11 million added to Medicaid. Another million were covered by ACA's "Basic Health Program", for a total of 24 million. CBO estimated that ACA would reduce the net number of uninsured by 22 million in 2016, using a slightly different computation for the above figures totaling ACA coverage of 26 million, less 4million for reductions in "employment-based coverage" and "non-group and other coverage". In 2016, CBO estimated the uninsured at approximately 27 million people, or around 10% of the population or 7–8% excluding undocumented immigrants. As of December 2016 32 states (including Washington DC) had adopted the Medicaid extension. The Affordable Care Act reduced the percent of Americans between 18 and 64 who were uninsured from 22.3 percent in 2010 to 12.4 percent in 2016. About 21 million more people have coverage ten years after the enactment of the ACA. Ten years after its enactment studies showed that the ACA also had a positive effect on health and caused a reduction in mortality. In the fiscal year 2018, the individual and employer mandates yielded $4 billion each. Excise taxes on insurers and drug makers added $18 billion. Income tax surcharges produced 437 billion. ACA reduced income inequality measured after taxes, due to the income tax surcharges and subsidies. CBO estimated that subsidies paid under the law in 2016 averaged $4,240 per person for 10 million individuals receiving them, roughly $42 billion. The tax subsidy for the employer market, was approximately $1,700 per person in 2016, or $266 billion total. Medicaid expansion in practice by state. As of December 2019, 37 states (including Washington DC) had adopted the Medicaid extension. In many states income thresholds were significantly below 133% of the poverty line. Several states argued that they could not afford the 10% contribution in 2020. A 2016 study found that residents of Kentucky and Arkansas, which both expanded Medicaid, were more likely to receive health care services and less likely to incur emergency room costs or have trouble paying their medical bills. Residents of Texas, which did not accept the Medicaid expansion, did not see a similar improvement during the same period. Kentucky opted for increased managed care, while Arkansas subsidized private insurance. Later Arkansas and Kentucky governors proposed reducing or modifying their programs. From 2013 to 2015, the uninsured rate dropped from 42% to 14% in Arkansas and from 40% to 9% in Kentucky, compared with 39% to 32% in Texas. A 2016 DHHS study found that states that expanded Medicaid had lower premiums on exchange policies, because they had fewer low-income enrollees, whose health on average is worse than that of those with higher income. In September 2019, the Census Bureau reported that states that expanded Medicaid under the ACA had considerably lower uninsured rates than states that did not. For example, for adults between 100% and 399% of poverty level, the uninsured rate in 2018 was 12.7% in expansion states and 21.2% in non-expansion states. Of the 14 states with uninsured rates of 10% or greater, 11 had not expanded Medicaid. The drop in uninsured rates due to expanded Medicaid has broadened access to care among low-income adults, with post-ACA studies indicating an improvement in affordability, access to doctors, and usual sources of care. Following Medicaid expansion and dependent coverage expansion, young adults hospitalized for acute traumatic injury in Maryland experienced a 60% increase in rehabilitation, 25% reduction in mortality, and a 29.8% reduction in failure-to-rescue. Medicaid expansion's swift impact on cancer patients was demonstrated in a study using the National Cancer Institute's Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) program that evaluated more than 850,000 patients diagnosed with breast, lung, colorectal, prostate cancer, or thyroid cancer from 2010 to 2014. The study found that a cancer diagnosis in 2014 was associated with a 1.9 percentage-point absolute and 33.5% relative decrease in uninsured rates compared to a diagnosis made between 2010 and 2013. From that study, states that took Medicaid expansion "saved the lives of at least 19,200 adults aged 55 to 64 over the four-year period from 2014 to 2017." Further, 15,600 older adults died prematurely in the states that did not enact Medicaid expansion in those years according to the NBER research. "The lifesaving impacts of Medicaid expansion are large: an estimated 39 to 64 percent reduction in annual mortality rates for older adults gaining coverage." Gaps in expansion Despite the significant increase in access to insurance coverage and healthcare services across the board, the ACA's Medicaid expansion has not fully addressed problems of economic equity. Critics argue that Medicaid expansion has not reduced cost-sharing by a significant margin, as the amount households paid out of pocket for healthcare over the past ten years (in the form of deductibles, co-payments, etc.) rose by 77%. Additionally, 30% of providers deny Medicaid patients, which affects the accessibility of quality care. This increase in denial may be in part because providers receive 62 cents from Medicaid for every dollar received from private insurers. National health care expenditures rose faster than national income both before (2009–2013: 3.73%) and after (2014–2018: 4.82%) ACA's major provisions took effect. However, some or all these costs were offset by tax credits. For example, the Kaiser Family Foundation reported that for the second-lowest cost "Silver plan", a 40-year old non-smoker making $30,000 per year would pay effectively the same amount in 2017 as they did in 2016 (about $208/month) after the tax credit, despite a large increase in the list price. This was consistent nationally. In other words, the subsidies increased along with the premium price, fully offsetting the increases for subsidy-eligible enrollees. Premium cost increases in the employer market moderated after 2009. For example, healthcare premiums for those covered by employers rose by 69% from 2000 to 2005, but only 27% from 2010 to 2015, From 2008 to 2010 (before passage of ACA) health insurance premiums rose by an average of 10% per year. Several studies found that the 2008 financial crisis and accompanying Great Recession could not account for the entirety of the slowdown and that structural changes likely shared at least partial credit. A 2013 study estimated that changes to the health system had been responsible for about a quarter of the recent reduction in inflation. Paul Krawzak claimed that even if cost controls succeed in reducing the amount spent on healthcare, such efforts on their own may be insufficient to outweigh the long-term burden placed by demographic changes, particularly the growth of the population on Medicare. In a 2016 review, Barack Obama claimed that from 2010 through 2014 mean annual growth in real per-enrollee Medicare spending was negative, down from a mean of 4.7% per year from 2000 through 2005 and 2.4% per year from 2006 to 2010; similarly, mean real per-enrollee growth in private insurance spending was 1.1% per year over the period, compared with a mean of 6.5% from 2000 through 2005 and 3.4% from 2005 to 2010. Deductibles and co-payments A contributing factor to premium cost moderation was that the insured faced higher deductibles, copayments and out-of-pocket maximums. In addition, many employees chose to combine a health savings account with higher deductible plans, making the net impact of ACA difficult to determine precisely. For the group market (employer insurance), a 2016 survey found that: • Deductibles grew 63% from 2011 to 2016, while premiums increased 19% and worker earnings grew by 11%. • In 2016, 4 in 5 workers had an insurance deductible, which averaged $1,478. For firms with less than 200 employees, the deductible averaged $2,069. • The percentage of workers with a deductible of at least $1,000 grew from 10% in 2006 to 51% in 2016. The 2016 figure dropped to 38% after taking employer contributions into account. For the non-group market, of which two-thirds are covered by ACA exchanges, a survey of 2015 data found that: • 49% had individual deductibles of at least $1,500 ($3,000 for family), up from 36% in 2014. • Many exchange enrollees qualify for cost-sharing subsidies that reduce their net deductible. • While about 75% of enrollees were "very satisfied" or "somewhat satisfied" with their choice of doctors and hospitals, only 50% had such satisfaction with their annual deductible. • While 52% of those covered by ACA exchanges felt "well protected" by their insurance, in the group market 63% felt that way. Health outcomes According to a 2014 study, ACA likely prevented an estimated 50,000 preventable patient deaths from 2010 to 2013. Himmelstein and Woolhandler wrote in January 2017 that a rollback of ACA's Medicaid expansion alone would cause an estimated 43,956 deaths annually. According to the Kaiser Foundation, expanding Medicaid in the remaining states would cover up to 4.5 million persons. A 2021 study found a significant decline in mortality rates in the states that opted in to the Medicaid expansion program compared with those states that did not do so. The study reported that states decisions' not to expand Medicaid resulted in approximately 15,600 excess deaths from 2014 through 2017. Dependent Coverage Expansion (DCE) under the ACA has had a demonstrable effect on various health metrics of young adults, a group with a historically low level of insurance coverage and utilization of care. A 2019 JAMA study found that ACA decreased emergency department and hospital use by uninsured individuals. Several studies have indicated that increased 30-day, 90-day, and 1-year post-discharge mortality of heart failure patients can be attributed to "gaming the system" through inappropriate triage systems in emergency departments, use of observation stays when admissions are warranted, and delay of readmission beyond the 30th day post-discharge, strategies that can reduce readmission rates at the expense of quality of care and patient survival. The HRRP was also shown to disproportionately penalize safety-net hospitals that predominately serve low-income patients. A 2020 study by Treasury Department economists in the Quarterly Journal of Economics using a randomized controlled trial (the IRS sent letters to some taxpayers noting that they had paid a fine for not signing up for health insurance but not to other taxpayers) found that over two years, obtaining health insurance reduced mortality by 12 percent. The study concluded that the letters, sent to 3.9 million people, may have saved 700 lives. Recent studies have also attributed to Medicaid expansion an increase in use of smoking cessation medications, cervical cancer screening, and colonoscopy, as well as an increase in the percentage of early-stage diagnosis of all cancers and the rate of cancer surgery for low-income patients. These studies include a 2.1% increase in the probability of smoking cessation in Medicaid expansion states compared to non-expansion states, a 24% increase in smoking cessation medication use due to increased Medicaid-financed smoking cessation prescriptions, a 27.7% increase in the rate of colorectal cancer screening in Kentucky following Medicaid expansion with an accompanying improvement in colorectal cancer survival, and a 3.4% increase in cancer incidence following Medicaid expansion that was attributed to an increase in early-stage diagnoses. Federal deficit CBO estimates of revenue and impact on deficit The CBO reported in multiple studies that ACA would reduce the deficit, and repealing it would increase the deficit, primarily because of the elimination of Medicare reimbursement cuts. This estimate was made prior to the Supreme Court's ruling that enabled states to opt out of the Medicaid expansion, thereby forgoing the related federal funding. The CBO and JCT subsequently updated the budget projection, estimating the impact of the ruling would reduce the cost estimate of the insurance coverage provisions by $84 billion. The CBO in June 2015 forecast that repeal of ACA would increase the deficit between $137 billion and $353 billion over the 2016–2025 period, depending on the impact of macroeconomic feedback effects. The CBO also forecast that repeal of ACA would likely cause an increase in GDP by an average of 0.7% in the period from 2021 to 2025, mainly by boosting the supply of labor. In 2017 CBO estimated that repealing the individual mandate alone would reduce the 10-year deficit by $338 billion. Opinions on CBO projections The CBO cost estimates were criticized because they excluded the effects of potential legislation that would increase Medicare payments by more than $200 billion from 2010 to 2019. However, the so-called "doc fix" is a separate issue that would have existed with or without ACA. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities objected that Congress had a good record of implementing Medicare savings. According to their study, Congress followed through on the implementation of the vast majority of provisions enacted in the past 20 years to produce Medicare savings, although not the doc fix. The doc fix became obsolete in 2015 when the savings provision was eliminated, permanently removing that spending restraint. Health economist Uwe Reinhardt, wrote, "The rigid, artificial rules under which the Congressional Budget Office must score proposed legislation unfortunately cannot produce the best unbiased forecasts of the likely fiscal impact of any legislation." Douglas Holtz-Eakin alleged that the bill would increase the deficit by $562 billion because, he argued, it front-loaded revenue and back-loaded benefits. Scheiber and Cohn rejected critical assessments of the law's deficit impact, arguing that predictions were biased towards underestimating deficit reduction. They noted, for example, it is easier to account for the cost of definite levels of subsidies to specified numbers of people than to account for savings from preventive healthcare, and that the CBO had a track record of overestimating costs and underestimating savings of health legislation; and financial incentives for more coordination of care among doctors, would produce substantial savings while also slowing the relentless climb of medical expenses... But the CBO would not consider such savings in its calculations, because the innovations hadn't really been tried on such large scale or in concert with one another—and that meant there wasn't much hard data to prove the savings would materialize." A 2016 study found only limited evidence that ACA had increased part-time employment. Several businesses and the state of Virginia added a 29-hour-a-week cap for their part-time employees, to reflect the 30-hour-or-more definition for full-time worker. Other confounding impacts include that health insurance helps attract and retain employees, increases productivity and reduces absenteeism; and lowers corresponding training and administration costs from a smaller, more stable workforce. Relatively few firms employ over 50 employees that the costs of reporting and administration were not worth the costs of maintaining employer plans; Between January 2010 and 2015, a quarter of ER doctors said they had seen a major surge in patients, while nearly half had seen a smaller increase. Seven in ten ER doctors claimed they lacked the resources to deal with large increases in the number of patients. The biggest factor in the increased number of ER patients was insufficient primary care providers to handle the larger number of insured. Michael Lee Jr. and Michael C. Monuteaux at Boston Children's Hospital analyzed national emergency department visits among children aged 0 to 17 from 2009 to 2016 using the American Community Survey (ACS) and Nationwide Emergency Department Sample (NEDS). They found no immediate change in pediatric emergency department visit rates the year after the ACA took full effect in 2014, but the rate of change from 2014 to 2016 was significantly higher than previous rate trends, almost 10%. Several large insurers formed ACOs. Many hospitals merged and purchased physician practices, amounting to a significant consolidation of the provider industry. The increased market share gave them more leverage with insurers and reduced patient care options. for employees working more than 30 hours per week. CBO estimated that ACA would slightly reduce the size of the labor force and number of hours worked, as some would no longer be tethered to employers for their insurance. Jonathan Cohn claimed that ACA's primary employment effect was to alleviate job lock ==Public opinion==
Public opinion
Public views became increasingly negative in reaction to specific plans discussed during the legislative debate over 2009 and 2010. Approval varied by party, race and age. Some elements were more widely favored (preexisting conditions) or opposed (individual mandate). In a 2010 poll, 62% of respondents said they thought ACA would "increase the amount of money they personally spend on health care", 56% said the bill "gives the government too much involvement in health care", and 19% said they thought they and their families would be better off with the legislation. Other polls found that people were concerned the law would cost more than projected and would not do enough to control costs. In a 2012 poll 44% supported the law, with 56% against. By 75% of Democrats, 27% of Independents and 14% of Republicans favored the law. 82% favored banning insurance companies from denying coverage to people with preexisting conditions, 61% favored allowing children to stay on their parents' insurance until age 26, 72% supported requiring companies with more than 50 employees to provide insurance for their employees, and 39% supported the individual mandate to own insurance or pay a penalty. By party affiliation, 19% of Republicans, 27% of Independents, and 59% of Democrats favored the mandate. Some opponents believed the reform did not go far enough: a 2012 poll indicated that 71% of Republican opponents rejected it overall, while 29% believed it did not go far enough; independent opponents were divided 67% to 33%; and among the much smaller group of Democratic opponents, 49% rejected it overall and 51% wanted more. After the Supreme Court upheld the individual mandate, a 2012 poll held that "most Americans (56%) want to see critics of President Obama's health care law drop efforts to block it and move on to other national issues". As of October 2013, approximately 40% were in favor while 51% were against. About 29% of whites approved of the law, compared with 61% of Hispanics and 91% of African Americans. A solid majority of seniors opposed the idea and a solid majority of those under forty were in favor. A 2014 poll reported that 26% of Americans support ACA. A later 2014 poll reported that 48.9% of respondents had an unfavorable view of ACA versus 38.3% who had a favorable view (of more than 5,500 individuals). Another held that 8% of respondents agreed the Affordable Care Act "is working well the way it is". In late 2014, a Rasmussen poll reported Repeal: 30%, Leave as is: 13%, Improve: 52%. In 2015, a poll reported that 47% of Americans approved the health care law. This was the first time a major poll indicated that more respondents approved than disapproved. A December 2016 poll reported that: a) 30% wanted to expand what the law does; b) 26% wanted to repeal the entire law; c) 19% wanted to move forward with implementing the law as it is; and d) 17% wanted to scale back what the law does, with the remainder undecided. Separate polls from Fox News and NBC/WSJ, both taken during January 2017, indicated more people viewed the law favorably than did not for the first time. One of the reasons for the improving popularity of the law is that Democrats who had once opposed it (many still prefer "Medicare for all") shifted their positions because ACA was under threat of repeal. Another January 2017 poll reported that 35% of respondents believed "Obamacare" and the "Affordable Care Act" were different or did not know. (About 45% were unsure whether "repeal of Obamacare" also meant "repeal of the Affordable Care Act".) 39% did not know that "many people would lose coverage through Medicaid or subsidies for private health insurance if the ACA were repealed and no replacement enacted", with Democrats far more likely (79%) to know that fact than Republicans (47%). A 2017 study found that personal experience with public health insurance programs led to greater support for the ACA, most prominently among Republicans and low-information voters. By the end of 2023, a Morning Consult poll of registered voters found that 57% approved of the Affordable Care Act, while 30% disapproved of it. 85% of Democrats, 56% of independents, and 28% of Republicans supported the law. ==Political aspects==
Political aspects
"Obamacare" The term "Obamacare" was originally coined by opponents as a pejorative. According to research by Elspeth Reeve, the expression was used in early 2007, generally by writers describing the candidate's proposal for expanding coverage for the uninsured. By 2016 Obama explicitly and repeatedly referred to the ACA as "Obamacare". The use of "Obamacare" became increasingly rare, and at the 2024 Democratic National Convention, Obama said, "I noticed, by the way, since it became popular, they don't call it 'Obamacare' no more." Common misconceptions "Death panels" On August 7, 2009, Sarah Palin created the term "death panels" to describe groups who would decide whether sick patients were "worthy" of medical care. and the other that the government would advise seniors to end their lives instead of receiving care. The ostensible basis of these claims was the provision for an Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB). The other related issue concerned advance-care planning consultation: a section of the House reform proposal would have reimbursed physicians for providing patient-requested consultations for Medicare recipients on end-of-life health planning (which is covered by many private plans), enabling patients to specify, on request, the kind of care they wished to receive. The provision was not included in ACA. In 2010, the Pew Research Center reported that 85% of Americans were familiar with the claim, and 30% believed it was true, backed by three contemporaneous polls. The allegation was named PolitiFact's 2009 "Lie of the Year", one of FactCheck.org's "whoppers" and the most outrageous term by the American Dialect Society. AARP described such rumors as "rife with gross—and even cruel—distortions". Undocumented immigrants ACA explicitly denies insurance subsidies to "unauthorized (illegal) aliens". Exchange "death spiral" Opponents claimed that combining immediate coverage with no provision for preexisting conditions would lead people to wait to get insured until they got sick. The individual mandate was designed to push people to get insured without waiting. This has been called a "death spiral". In the years after 2013, many insurers did leave specific marketplaces, claiming the risk pools were too small. The median number of insurers per state was 4.0 in 2014, 5.0 in 2015, 4.0 in 2016 and 3.0 in 2017. Five states had one insurer in 2017, 13 had two, 11 had three; the remainder had four or more. "If you like your plan" At various times during and after ACA debate Obama said, "If you like your health care plan, you'll be able to keep your health care plan." and several million more risked seeing their current plans canceled. Obama's previous unambiguous assurance that consumers could keep their own plans became a focal point for critics, who challenged his truthfulness. Various bills were introduced in Congress to allow people to keep their plans. PolitiFact initially cited various estimates that only about 2% of the total insured population (4million out of 262 million) received such notices, but readers later voted Obama's claims as the 2013 "Lie of the Year". ==Criticism and opposition==
Criticism and opposition
Opposition and efforts to repeal the legislation have drawn support from sources that include labor unions, These groups claimed the law would disrupt existing health plans, increase costs from new insurance standards, and increase the deficit. Some opposed the idea of universal healthcare. President Donald Trump repeatedly promised to "repeal and replace" it. unions that expressed concerns included the AFL–CIO, Dayton later said he regretted his remarks after they were seized on by Republicans seeking to repeal the law. Socialism debate Many economically conservative opponents called the ACA "socialist" or "socialized medicine", pointing to the government redistribution of wealth via subsidies for low-income purchasers of private insurance, expansion of Medicaid, government requirements as to what products can be sold on the exchanges, and the individual mandate, which reduces freedom of consumer choice to be uninsured. Other observers considered the law a relatively capitalist or "regulated free-market" means of paying for near-universal health care, because it creates new marketplaces with choices for consumers, largely relies on private employers and private health insurance companies, maintains private ownership of hospitals and doctor's offices, and was originally advocated by economic conservatives as a capitalist alternative to single-payer health care. Some pointed out that the previous system also had socialist aspects. Even for-profit private health insurance companies socialize risk and redistribute wealth from people who have it (all premium payers) to those who need it (by paying for medically necessary healthcare). and communism as undesirable. Legal challenges National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius Opponents challenged ACA's constitutionality in multiple lawsuits on multiple grounds. The Supreme Court ruled, 5–4, that the individual mandate was constitutional when viewed as a tax, although not under the Commerce Clause. ACA withheld all Medicaid funding from states declining to participate in the expansion. The Court ruled that this was unconstitutionally coercive and that individual states had the right to opt out without losing preexisting Medicaid funding. Contraception mandate In March 2012, the Catholic Church, while supportive of ACA's objectives, voiced concern through the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops that aspects of the mandate covering contraception and sterilization and HHS's narrow definition of a religious organization violated the First Amendment right to free exercise of religion and conscience. Various lawsuits addressed these concerns, including Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc., which looked at private corporations and their duties under the ACA. In Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania, the Supreme Court ruled 7–2 on July 8, 2020, that employers with religious or moral objections to contraceptives can exclude such coverage from an employee's insurance plan. Writing for the majority, Justice Clarence Thomas said, "No language in the statute itself even hints that Congress intended that contraception should or must be covered. It was Congress, not the [administration], that declined to expressly require contraceptive coverage in the ACA itself." Justices Roberts, Alito, Gorsuch, and Kavanaugh joined Thomas's opinion. Justice Elena Kagan filed a concurring opinion in the judgment, in which Stephen Breyer joined. Justices Ginsburg and Sotomayor dissented, saying the court's ruling "leaves women workers to fend for themselves." In a later lawsuit brought by private health insurance buyers and businesses, Judge Reed O'Connor of the Federal District Court for the Northern District of Texas ruled in March 2023 that the ACA's provision of contraceptives, HIV testing, and screenings for cancer, diabetes, and mental health violated the plaintiffs' freedom of religious exercise, and placed an injunction on that portion of the ACA. The Biden administration planned to seek a hold on O'Connor's decision. King v Burwell On June 25, 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled, 6–3, that federal subsidies for health insurance premiums could be used in the 34 states that did not set up their own insurance exchanges. House v. Price House Republicans sued the Obama administration in 2014, alleging that cost-sharing reduction subsidy payments to insurers were unlawful because Congress had not appropriated funds to pay for them. The argument classified the CSR subsidy as discretionary spending subject to annual appropriation. In May 2016, a federal judge ruled for the plaintiffs, but the Obama administration appealed. Later, President Trump ended the payments. This led to further litigation. United States House of Representatives v. Azar The House sued the administration, alleging that the money for CSRs to insurers had not been appropriated, as required for any federal government spending. The ACA subsidy that helps customers pay premiums was not part of the suit. Without the CSRs, the government estimated that premiums would increase by 20% to 30% for silver plans. In 2017, the uncertainty about whether the payments would continue caused Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina to try to raise premiums by 22.9% the next year, as opposed to an increase of 8.8% that it would have sought if the payments were assured. U.S. District Judge Rosemary M. Collyer ruled that the cost-sharing program was unconstitutional for spending money that has not been specifically provided by an act of Congress, but concluded that Congress had in fact authorized that program to be created. The judge also found that Congress had provided authority to cover the spending for the tax credits to consumers who use them to help afford health coverage. Collyer enjoined further cost-sharing payments, but stayed the order pending appeal to the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. The case ended in a settlement before the Circuit Court. California v. Texas Texas and 19 other states filed a civil suit in the United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas in February 2018, arguing that with the passage of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, which eliminated the tax for not having health insurance, the individual mandate no longer had a constitutional basis and thus the entire ACA was no longer constitutional. The Department of Justice said it would no longer defend the ACA in court, but 17 states led by California stepped in to do so. O'Connor's decision regarding severability turned on several passages from the Congressional debate that focused on the importance of the mandate. While he ruled the law unconstitutional, he did not overturn the law. The intervening states appealed the decision to the Fifth Circuit. These states argued that Congress's change in the tax was only reducing the amount of the tax, and that Congress had the power to write a stronger law to this end. O'Connor stayed his decision pending the appeal. The Fifth Circuit heard the appeal on July 9, 2019; in the interim, the U.S. Department of Justice joined with Republican states to argue that the ACA was unconstitutional, while the Democratic states were joined by the Democrat-controlled U.S. House of Representatives. An additional question was addressed, as the Republican plaintiffs challenged the Democratic states' standing to defend the ACA. In December 2019, the Fifth Circuit agreed the individual mandate was unconstitutional, but did not agree that the entire law should be voided. Instead, it remanded the case to the District Court for reconsideration of that question. The Supreme Court accepted the case in March 2020, to be heard in the 2020–2021 term, with the ruling likely falling after the 2020 elections. Democrats pointed out that the effect of invalidating the entire law would be to remove popular provisions such as the protection for preexisting conditions, and that the Republicans had still not offered any replacement plan—important issues in the 2020 elections. Section 1557 In April 2024, the Biden administration issued a final rule implementing Section 1557 of the ACA, adding gender identity to Title IX's definition of discrimination based on sex. In May 2024, 15 states led by Tennessee sued HHS in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, arguing that the 2024 rule violated the Administrative Procedure Act and the U.S. Constitution. In October 2025, a federal judge struck down the 2024 rule to the extent that it prohibits discrimination against transgender people in education and health-care programs. Risk corridors The Supreme Court ruled that promised risk corridor payments must be made even in the absence of specific appropriation of money by Congress. Repeal and modification efforts ACA was the subject of many unsuccessful repeal efforts by Republicans in the 111th, 112th, and 113th Congresses: Representatives Steve King and Michele Bachmann introduced bills in the House to repeal the ACA the day after it was signed, as did Senator Jim DeMint in the Senate. In 2011, after Republicans gained control of the House, one of the first votes held was on a bill titled "Repealing the Job-Killing Health Care Law Act" (H.R. 2), which the House passed 245–189. All Republicans and three Democrats voted for repeal. In the Senate, the bill was offered as an amendment to an unrelated bill, but was voted down. President Obama said he would veto the bill had it passed. On February 3, 2015, the House of Representatives added its 67th repeal vote to the record (239 to 186). This attempt also failed. 2013 federal government shutdown Strong partisan disagreement in Congress prevented adjustments to the Act's provisions. Some Congressional Republicans argued against improvements to the law on the grounds that they would weaken the arguments for repeal. and in October 2013 House Republicans refused to fund the federal government unless it came with an implementation delay, after Obama unilaterally deferred the employer mandate by one year, which critics claimed he had no power to do. The House passed three versions of a bill funding the government while submitting various versions that would repeal or delay the ACA, with the last version delaying enforcement of the individual mandate. The Democratic Senate leadership said the Senate would pass only a bill without any restrictions on ACA. The government shutdown lasted from October 1 to October 17. 2017 repeal effort During a midnight congressional session starting January 11, the Senate of the 115th Congress of the United States voted to approve a "budget blueprint" that would allow Republicans to repeal parts of the law "without threat of a Democratic filibuster". The plan, which passed 51–48, was named by Senate Republicans the "Obamacare 'repeal resolution. Democrats opposing the resolution staged a protest during the vote. House Republicans announced their replacement, the American Health Care Act, on March 6. On March 24, the AHCA failed amid a revolt among Republican representatives. On May 4 the House voted to pass the AHCA by a margin of 217 to 213. The Senate Republican leadership announced that Senate Republicans would write their own version of the bill instead of voting on the House version. Leader McConnell named a group of 13 Republicans to draft the substitute version in private, raising bipartisan concerns about lack of transparency. On June 22, Republicans released the first discussion draft, which renamed it the "Better Care Reconciliation Act of 2017" (BCRA). On July 25, although no amendment proposal had garnered majority support, Republicans voted to advance the bill to the floor and begin formal consideration of amendments. Senators Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski were the only two dissenting Republicans, making the vote a 50–50 tie. Vice President Mike Pence then cast the tie-breaking vote in the affirmative. The revised BCRA failed, 43–57. A subsequent "Obamacare Repeal and Reconciliation Act" abandoned the "repeal and replace" approach in favor of a straight repeal, but that too failed, 45–55. Finally, the "Health Care Freedom Act", nicknamed "skinny repeal" because it would have made the least change to ACA, failed by 49–51, with Collins, Murkowski, and McCain joining all Democrats and independents in voting against it. Proposed changes in 2024 Donald Trump, who has historically opposed the ACA, said during the 2024 United States presidential debates that he had "concepts of a plan" to modify or scrap it. JD Vance has said that Trump intends to allow insurance companies to discriminate against people with preexisting conditions or disability, with subsidized insurance replaced with private insurance. Kamala Harris said during her 2024 campaign that she would "maintain and grow" the ACA. 2025 federal government shutdown During the 2025 federal government shutdown, the ACA once again became a focal point of partisan disagreement. On November 8–9, 2025, as the shutdown reached its 39th day, President Donald Trump urged Senate Republicans to redirect federal funds used for ACA insurance subsidies toward direct cash payments to individuals, framing the proposal as a strategy to resolve the budgetary impasse. Several Republican senators expressed openness to the idea; Democrats rejected it. Analysts noted that the proposal lacked the bipartisan support necessary to reopen the federal government. Contemporary reports described the dispute over the ACA's subsidy structure as one of the key issues contributing to the protracted shutdown. Trump said he believed the law will expire once its tax credit is eliminated and not renewed. The disagreement focused on whether to continue the enhanced premium tax credits expanded under previous legislation, including the American Rescue Plan, which lowered the portion of health insurance costs consumers pay. Observers noted that if these subsidies expired, many individuals could face significant premium increases, potentially more than doubling for some enrollees. This raised concerns about decreased enrollment in the ACA marketplaces, especially among individuals who previously received little or no subsidy. In addition to the effects on consumers, small businesses and self-employed individuals relying on ACA marketplace plans faced potential financial strain. Reports also highlighted that certain federal health agency employees were furloughed during the shutdown, temporarily affecting the oversight and administration of health programs. The debate over ACA funding illustrated how federal budget impasses can have immediate effects on both insurance markets and the delivery of health services. Actions to hinder implementation Under both the ACA (current law) and the AHCA, the CBO reported that the health exchange marketplaces would remain stable. Concern about the exchanges became another argument for reforms. Past and ongoing Republican attempts to weaken the law have included: • Lawsuits such as King v. Burwell and House v. Price. • President Trump ended the payment of cost-sharing reduction subsidies to insurers on October 12, 2017. CBO estimated in September 2017 that discontinuing the payments would add an average of 15–20 percentage points to health insurance costs on the exchanges in 2018 while increasing the budget deficit nearly $200 billion over a decade. In response, insurers sued the government for reimbursement. Various cases are under appeal as of 2019. The insurers would need to make up the $7 billion they had previously received in cost-sharing reductions (CSRs) by raising premiums. Since most premiums are subsidized, the federal government would cover most of the increases. CBO also estimated that initially up to one million fewer people would have health insurance coverage, although rising subsidies might eventually offset this. The 85% of enrollees who received subsidies would be unaffected. CBO expected the exchanges to remain stable (i.e., no "death spiral" before or after Trump's action) as the premiums would increase and prices would stabilize at the higher (non-CSR) level. Several insurance companies who sued the United States for failure to pay CSRs won cases in 2018 and 2019. The judiciary decided the insurance companies are entitled to unpaid CSRs. • The 2015 appropriations bill had a rider that ended the payment of risk corridor funds. This was repeated in later years. This resulted in the bankruptcy of many co-ops. This action was attributed to Senator Marco Rubio. The cutoff generated some 50 lawsuits. The Supreme Court granted certiorari in 2019 in the case Maine Community Health Options v. United States. • Trump weakened the individual mandate with his first executive order, which limited enforcement of the tax. For example, tax returns without indications of health insurance ("silent returns") will still be processed, overriding Obama's instructions to reject them. • Trump reduced funding for advertising for exchange enrollment by up to 90%, with other reductions to support resources used to answer questions and help people sign-up for coverage. The CBO said the reductions would reduce ACA enrollment. • Trump made public statements that the exchanges were unstable or in a death spiral. Perceived inadequacies In December 2009, former DNC chairman and former Vermont governor Howard Dean called the ACA "a bigger bailout for the insurance industry than AIG" and "an insurance company's dream". He viewed the bill's end form as a death of the health care reform effort. In his 2011 book Remedy and Reaction, Paul Starr, the former senior advisor for Bill Clinton's health care reform plan, notes that the ACA did not make health insurance a right and did not make medical care free at the point of service. He criticizies the ACA on the grounds that some lower-income individuals still cannot afford treatment and go without care "if health care and insurance are treated as ordinary commodities". The ACA's critics often cite its inability to control costs and lower deductibles, the difficulty for average people to compare plans, lack of a strong public option, and inadequate regulations on or alternatives (such as co-operatives) to large corporate health care companies. ==Implementation==
Implementation
In 2010 small business tax credits took effect. Then Pre-Existing Condition Insurance Plan (PCIP) took effect to offer insurance to those who had been denied coverage by private insurance companies because of a preexisting condition. In National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius the Supreme Court allowed states to opt out of the Medicaid expansion. In 2013, the Internal Revenue Service ruled that the cost of covering only the individual employee would be considered in determining whether the cost of coverage exceeded 9.5% of income. Family plans would not be considered even if the cost was above the 9.5% income threshold. On July2 Obama delayed the employer mandate until 2015. Operations stabilized in 2014, although not all planned features were complete. The Government Accountability Office released a non-partisan study in 2014 that concluded the administration had not provided "effective planning or oversight practices" in developing the exchanges. By the end of the year about 8.8 million consumers had stayed in the program. Congress repeatedly delayed the onset of the "Cadillac tax" on expensive insurance plans first until 2020 and later until 2022 and repealed it in late 2019. in part because the enrollees were lower income, older and sicker than expected. More than 9.2 million people (3.0 million new customers and 6.2 million returning) enrolled on the national exchange in 2017, down some 400,000 from 2016. This decline was due primarily to the election of President Trump. The IRS announced that it would not require that tax returns indicate a person has health insurance, reducing the effectiveness of the individual mandate, in response to Trump's executive order. The CBO reported in March that the healthcare exchanges were expected to be stable. In May the House voted to repeal the ACA using the American Health Care Act (AHCA), but the AHCA was defeated in the Senate. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act set the individual mandate penalty at $0 starting in 2019. The 2017 Individual Market Stabilization Bill was proposed to fund cost-sharing reductions, provide more flexibility for state waivers, allow a new "Copper Plan" offering only catastrophic coverage, allow interstate insurance compacts, and redirect consumer fees to states for outreach. The bill failed. By 2019, 35 states and the District of Columbia had either expanded coverage via traditional Medicaid or via an alternative program. ==In popular culture==
In popular culture
SNL presented a sketch in October 2009 about the legislation's gridlock, with Dwayne Johnson playing an angry President Obama confronting three senators opposing the plan. The show aired another sketch in September 2013 with Jay Pharoah as President Obama rolling out the plan to the public, and Aaron Paul and other cast members playing ordinary Americans helping him in advocating for the legislation. ==See also==
tickerdossier.comtickerdossier.substack.com