Dean began his bid for president as a "long shot" candidate.
ABC News ranked him eighth out of 12 in a list of potential presidential contenders in May 2002. In March 2003 he gave a speech strongly critical of the Democratic leadership at the California State Democratic Convention that attracted the attention of grassroots party activists and set the tone and the agenda of his candidacy. It began with the line: "What I want to know is what in the world so many Democrats are doing supporting the President's unilateral intervention in Iraq?" That summer, his campaign was featured as the cover article in
The New Republic and in the following months he received expanded media attention. His campaign slowly gained steam, and by autumn of 2003, Dean had become the apparent frontrunner for the Democratic nomination, performing strongly in most polls and outpacing his rivals in fundraising. This latter feat was attributed mainly to his innovative embrace of the Internet for campaigning, using
Meetup.com to track supporters and encourage grassroots participation in the campaign. The majority of his donations came from individual Dean supporters, who came to be known as
Deanites, or, more commonly,
Deaniacs, a term coined to describe meetup participants, who passed out campaign materials supporting Dean and the broader movement. (Critics often labeled them "Deany Boppers", or "
Deanie Babies", a reference to his support from young activists.) Following Dean's presidential campaign, some Deaniacs remained engaged in the political process through
Democracy for America and similar locally oriented organizations.
Message and themes Dean began his campaign by emphasizing healthcare policy and ‘
fiscal responsibility’, and championing
grassroots fundraising as a way to fight
lobby groups. However, his opposition to the
U.S. plan to invade Iraq (and his forceful criticism of Democrats in Congress who voted to authorize the use of force) quickly eclipsed other issues. By challenging the war in Iraq at a time when mainstream Democratic leaders were either neutral or cautiously supportive, Dean positioned himself to appeal to his party's activist base. Dean often quoted the late Minnesota Senator
Paul Wellstone (who had recently died in a plane crash) as saying that he represented "the Democratic wing of the Democratic Party." His message resonated among frustrated Democratic primary voters who felt that their party hadn't done enough to oppose the policies of the Republicans. Thus, Dean also succeeded in differentiating himself from his primary opponents. Dean's approach organizationally was also novel. His campaign made extensive use of the Internet. His supporters organized real-world meetings, many of them arranged through
Meetup.com, participated in online forums, donated money online, canvassed for advertising ideas, and distributed political talking points. In terms of money, publicity and activism, Dean therefore quickly staked out a leadership position in the field of candidates. In this way, he was able to bypass existing party and activist infrastructure and built his own online network of supporters. In terms of traditional "ground troops", however, Dean remained at a disadvantage. Dean adopted a coffee shop strategy to visit grassroot activists in all 99 Iowa
counties, but he lacked the campaign infrastructure to
get voters to the polls that his opponents had.
Fundraising In the "
Invisible Primary" of raising campaign funds, Howard Dean led the Democratic pack in the early stages of the 2004 campaign. Among the candidates, he ranked first in total raised ($25.4 million as of September 30, 2003) and first in cash-on-hand ($12.4 million). However, even this performance paled next to that of
George W. Bush, who by that date had raised $84.6 million for the Republican primary campaign, in which he had no strong challenger. Prior to the 2004 primary season, the Democratic record for most money raised in one quarter by a primary candidate was held by
Bill Clinton in 1995, raising $10.3 million during a campaign in which he had no primary opponent. In the third quarter of 2003, the Dean campaign raised $14.8 million, shattering Clinton's record. All told, Dean's campaign raised around $50 million. While presidential campaigns have traditionally obtained finance by tapping wealthy, established political donors, Dean's funds came largely in small donations over the Internet; the average overall donation was just under $80. This method of fundraising offered several important advantages over traditional fundraising, in addition to the inherent media interest in what was then a novelty. First, raising money on the Internet was relatively inexpensive, compared to conventional methods such as events, telemarketing, and direct mail campaigns. Secondly, as donors on average contributed far less than the legal limit ($2,000 per person), the campaign could continue to resolicit them throughout the election season. Dean's director of grassroots fundraising,
Larry Biddle, came up with the idea of the popular fundraising "bat", an image of a cartoon baseball player and bat which appeared on the site every time the campaign launched a fundraising challenge. The bat encouraged Web site visitors to contribute money immediately through their credit cards. This would lead to the bat filling up like a thermometer with the red color indicating the total funds. The site often took suggestions from the
netroots on their blog. One of these suggestions led to one of the campaign's biggest accomplishments: an image of Dean eating a turkey sandwich encouraged supporters to donate $250,000 in three days to match a big-donor dinner by Vice President Dick Cheney. The online contributions from that day matched what Cheney made from his fundraiser. In November 2003, after a much-publicized online vote among his followers, Dean became the first Democrat to forgo federal matching funds (and the spending limits that go with them) since the system was established in 1974. (
John Kerry later followed his lead.) In addition to state-by-state spending limits for the primaries, the system limits a candidate to spending only $44.6 million until the
Democratic National Convention in July, which sum would almost certainly run out soon after the early primary season. (
George W. Bush declined federal matching funds in 2000 and did so again for the 2004 campaign.) Political commentators have stated that the fundraising of
Barack Obama, with its emphasis on small donors and the internet, refined and built upon the model that Dean's campaign pioneered.
Endorsements speaking at a Dean rally on October 29, 2003 Though Dean lagged in early endorsements, he acquired many critical ones as his campaign snowballed. By the time of the Iowa caucuses, he led among commitments from
superdelegates– elected officials and party officers entitled to convention votes by virtue of their positions. On November 12, 2003, he received the endorsements of the
Service Employees International Union and the
American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. Dean received the endorsement of former vice president and 2000 presidential candidate
Al Gore, on December 9, 2003. In the following weeks Dean was endorsed by former U.S. senators
Bill Bradley and
Carol Moseley Braun, unsuccessful Democratic presidential candidates from the 2000 and 2004 primaries, respectively. Other high-profile endorsers included: • Governors (and former governors)
Bruce Babbitt,
Lowell P. Weicker Jr.,
Jim McGreevey,
Toney Anaya,
Ann Richards • Senators (and former Senators)
Tom Harkin,
Fred R. Harris,
Howard Metzenbaum,
Jim Jeffords,
Patrick Leahy • Representatives (and former Representatives)
Jesse Jackson Jr.,
John Conyers,
Major Owens,
Sheila Jackson Lee • Former
Baltimore Mayor (and former governor of Maryland)
Martin J. O'Malley • Dean also won the backing of lesser-known political figures, such as former Indiana State Senator and 1984 gubernatorial nominee
Wayne Townsend. •
Timothy Kraft, a
New Mexico political consultant who had been
Jimmy Carter's 1980 campaign manager, came to Vermont to campaign for Dean. Several celebrities from the entertainment industry endorsed him:
Joan Jett,
Martin Sheen,
Rob Reiner,
Susan Sarandon,
Paul Newman,
Robin Williams, and
Joseph Gordon-Levitt.
Response Many pundits blamed such endorsements for the campaign's eventual collapse. In particular, Al Gore's early endorsement of Dean weeks before the first primary of the election cycle was severely criticized by eight Democratic contenders particularly since he did not endorse his former running mate,
Joe Lieberman. Gore supported Dean over Lieberman due to their differing opinions on Iraq which began to develop around 2002 (Lieberman supported the war and Gore did not). When Dean's campaign failed, some blamed Gore's early endorsement.
Iowa Caucus setback and the "Dean scream" media gaffe On January 19, 2004, Dean's rivals
John Kerry and
John Edwards pushed him into a third-place finish in the
2004 Iowa Democratic caucuses, representing the first votes cast in
primary season. Dean's
loud outburst in his public address that night was widely rebroadcast and portrayed as a media gaffe that ended his campaign. According to a
Newsday editorial written by Verne Gay, some members of the television audience criticized the speech as loud, peculiar, and unpresidential. In particular, this quote from the speech was aired repeatedly in the days following the caucus: Senator Harkin was on stage with Dean, holding his suit jacket. This final "Yeah!" with its unusual tone that Dean later said was due to the cracking of his hoarse voice, has become known in American political jargon as the "Dean Scream" or the "I Have a Scream" speech. Comedians and late-night comedy show hosts such as
Dave Chappelle and
Conan O'Brien satirized, mocked, and popularized the sound bite, beginning a media onslaught that many believe contributed immensely to his poor showing in the subsequent races. Dean conceded that the speech did not project the best image, jokingly referring to it as a "crazy, red-faced rant" on the
Late Show with David Letterman. In an interview later that week with
Diane Sawyer, he said he was "a little sheepish ... but I'm not apologetic." Sawyer and many others in the national broadcast news media later expressed some regret about overplaying the story.
CNN issued a public apology and admitted in a statement that they might have "overplayed" the incident. The incessant replaying of the "Dean Scream" by the press became a debate on the topic of whether Dean was the victim of
media bias. The scream scene was shown an estimated 633 times by cable and broadcast news networks in just four days following the incident, a number that does not include talk shows and local news broadcasts. Some in the audience that day reported that they were unaware of the "scream" until they saw it on TV. On October 11, 2007, it was reported that
Leonardo DiCaprio and
George Clooney were in early talks about making a "political thriller" based on Howard Dean's 2004 campaign, tentatively titled
Farragut North. The movie, finally titled
The Ides of March, was released on October 7, 2011. It is based on the play
Farragut North, which was named after the
Washington Metro station located in the center of the lobbyist district. The play was written by
Beau Willimon, a staffer on the Dean campaign. The main character is based on a former press secretary for the Dean campaign. In November 2008, a documentary film about Dean and his campaign,
Dean and Me, was released and shown at several film festivals around the country.
Post-campaign and Democracy for America Following Dean's withdrawal after the Wisconsin primary, he pledged to support the eventual Democratic nominee. He remained neutral until John Kerry became the
presumptive nominee. Dean endorsed Kerry on March 25, 2004, in a speech at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C. On March 18, 2004, Dean founded the group
Democracy for America. This group was created to house the large, Internet-based organization Dean created for his presidential campaign. Its goal is to help like-minded candidates get elected to local, state, and federal offices. It has endorsed several sets of twelve candidates known as the
Dean Dozen. Dean turned over control of the organization to his brother,
Jim Dean, when he became Chairman of the
Democratic National Committee. Dean strongly urged his supporters to support Kerry as opposed to
Ralph Nader, arguing that a vote for Nader would only help to re-elect President George W. Bush because he believed that most who vote for Nader are likely to have voted for Kerry if Ralph Nader was not running. Dean argued that Nader would be more effective if he lobbied on election law reform issues during his campaign. Dean supported several election law reform issues such as
campaign finance reform and
instant-runoff voting. ==DNC Chairmanship==