The nationality debate in favor of using the term "nation" to define Catalonia in its Statute of Autonomy Spanish political developments since the early twentieth century have been marked by the existence of
peripheral nationalisms and the debate of whether Spain can be viewed as a
plurinational federation. Spain is a diverse country with different and contrasting
polities showing varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical, political and cultural traditions. Peripheral nationalist movements have been present mainly in the
Basque Country,
Catalonia and
Galicia, some advocating for a special recognition of their "national identity" within the Spanish nation and others for their right of
self-determination or independence. The Constituent Assembly in 1978 struck a deliberately ambiguous and imprecise balance between the opposing views of
centralism, inherited from Franco's regime, and those who viewed Spain as a "nation of nations". In the second article, the constitution recognizes the Spanish nation as the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards, while guaranteeing the right of autonomy of the
nationalities and regions of which it is composed. In practice, and as it began to be used in Spanish jurisprudence, the term "nationalities" makes reference to those regions or autonomous communities with a strong historically constituted sense of identity or a recognized historical cultural identity, as part of the indivisible Spanish nation. This recognition, and the process of devolution within the
State of Autonomies has legitimised the idea of the Spanish State among the "nationalities", and many of its citizens feel content within the current status quo. However since 1982, the PSOE pursued policies to temper enthusiasm for further devolution and instead sought to harmonise the powers devolved to all autonomous communities. This was interpreted as the re-imposition of centralist control from Madrid by the 'historic nationalities' particularly after a landmark ruling of the Constitutional Court upheld the prerogative of the central government to use
Basic Laws to encroach upon devolved jurisdictional powers to promote and protect 'the national interest' of the Spanish state. Thus tensions between peripheral nationalism and centralism continue, with some nationalist parties still advocating for a recognition of the other 'nations' of the Spanish Kingdom or for a peaceful process towards self-determination. The
2014 Catalan self-determination referendum resulted in a vote of 80.76% for independence, with a turnout percentage of 37.0%, and it was supported by five political parties.
Education Under the majority governments of the PP in 2000-2004 and 2011–2015, discussions on territorial reform were replaced with 'a renewed form of Spanish nationalism' and 'a centralizing agenda realigning the party's territorial policy with its traditional centralist and nationalist ideology'. Amongst the
Basic Laws passed in this period, which increased central government control over the regions, was the highly controversial 2013 Spanish Educational Law (Organic Law for the Improvement of Educational Quality). This law set certain minimum requirements for the language of instruction used and the curriculum content. It was seen as encroaching upon devolved powers. This issue remained controversial and in 2022 was subject to a number of court cases.
Fiscal asymmetry The
model of devolution is often termed
asymmetric to express the fact that not all regions have the same powers. This is on the whole seen as advantageous; able to respond to diversity. However one aspect of this asymmetry is a cause of friction (eg in Catalonia), namely that the
Basque Country and
Navarra can raise their own taxes and negotiate a transfer to Madrid to pay for common services and hence, unlike the other regions, do not contribute to fiscal equalisation across Spain. The
Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 2006 gave a similar power to Catalonia. However in 2010 the Constitutional Court disallowed the provisions and made it clear that to make the fiscal model in Catalonia like that of Navarra and the Basque Country would require an amendment to the constitution. In 2024 negotiations began for legislative changes to allow for Catalonia to manage individuals tax returns.
Terrorism (2003). "ETA, the people with you" on the left, and Batasuna using several nationalist symbols asking for "Independence!" The Government of Spain has been involved in a long-running campaign against Basque Fatherland and Liberty (
ETA), an armed secessionist organization founded in 1959 in opposition to Franco and dedicated to promoting Basque independence through
violent means, though originally violence was not a part of their method. They consider themselves a
guerrilla organization but are considered internationally as a
terrorist organisation. Although the government of the Basque Country does not condone any kind of violence, their different approaches to the separatist movement are a source of tension between the Central and Basque governments. Initially ETA targeted primarily Spanish security forces, military personnel and Spanish Government officials. As the security forces and prominent politicians improved their own security, ETA increasingly focused its attacks on the tourist seasons (scaring tourists was seen as a way of putting pressure on the government, given the sector's importance to the economy) and local government officials in the Basque Country. The group carried out numerous bombings against Spanish Government facilities and economic targets, including a car bomb assassination attempt on then-opposition leader Aznar in 1995, in which his
armored car was destroyed but he was unhurt. The Spanish Government attributes over 800 deaths to ETA during its campaign of terrorism. On 17 May 2005, all the parties in the Congress of Deputies, except the PP, passed the Government's motion giving approval to the beginning of peace talks with ETA, without making
political concessions and with the requirement that it give up its weapons. PSOE, CiU, ERC, PNV, IU-ICV, CC and the mixed group —BNG, CHA, EA and NB— supported it with a total of 192 votes, while the 147 PP parliamentarians objected. ETA declared a "permanent cease-fire" that came into force on 24 March 2006 and was broken by Barajas T4 International Airport Bombings on 30 December 2006. In the years leading up to the permanent cease-fire, the government had had more success in controlling ETA, due in part to increased security cooperation with French authorities. Spain has also contended with a
Marxist resistance group, commonly known as
GRAPO. GRAPO (Revolutionary group of 1 October) is an
urban guerrilla group, founded in Vigo, Galicia; that seeks to overthrow the Spanish Government and establish a Marxist–Leninist state. It opposes Spanish participation in
NATO and U.S. presence in Spain and has a long history of assassinations, bombings, bank robberies and kidnappings mostly against Spanish interests during the 1970s and 1980s. In a June 2000 communiqué following the explosions of two small devices in Barcelona, GRAPO claimed responsibility for several attacks throughout Spain during the past year. These attacks included two failed armored car robberies, one in which two security officers died, and four bombings of political party offices during the 1999–2000 election campaign. In 2002, Spanish authorities were successful in hampering the organization's activities through sweeping arrests, including some of the group's leadership. GRAPO is not capable of maintaining the degree of operational capability that they once enjoyed. Most members of the groups are either in jail or abroad. == Foreign relations ==