Portuguese Colonial Empire During the
Portuguese Empire period, started in the 15th century, until the
Carnation Revolution of 1974, the economy of Portugal was centered in trade and
raw materials related activities within its vast colonial possessions, mainly in Asia (spices, silk,
dyes,
porcelain and gems), Africa (
ivory, timber, oil,
diamonds and slaves) and South America (
sugar cane,
dyes, woods, and gold). Portugal’s GDP
per capita was at or above the level of other Western European countries until it began to decline in the mid-18th century—a downturn that historians now attribute to a “
Dutch Disease” effect from the influx of gold from Brazil, leading to diminished exports and deindustrialization. It would not recover until the 20th century. In 1822, the Portuguese
colony of Brazil became an independent country, however, until 1974, Portugal managed to preserve its colonies/overseas territories in Africa, which included
Angola and
Mozambique, territories that would experience reasonable rates of economic growth until the departure of the Portuguese in 1975. The economy of Portugal and its overseas territories on the eve of the
Carnation Revolution (a military coup on 25 April 1974) was growing. Average family purchasing power was rising together with new consumption patterns and trends and this was promoting both investment in new
capital equipment and consumption expenditure for durable and nondurable
consumer goods. The Estado Novo regime economic policy encouraged and created conditions for the formation of large business conglomerates. The regime maintained a policy of
corporatism that resulted in the placement of a large part of the Portuguese economy in the hands of a number of strong
conglomerates, of which, the most important were known as the "seven magnificent". These Portuguese conglomerates had a business model with similarities to
South Korean
chaebols and Japanese
keiretsus and
zaibatsus. Among the biggest conglomerates were those founded and held by the families
Champalimaud,
Mello (
CUF group),
Amorim and Santos (
Jerónimo Martins group). Other medium-sized family companies specialized in textiles (for instance those located in the city of
Covilhã and the northwest), ceramics, porcelain, glass and crystal (like those of
Alcobaça,
Caldas da Rainha and
Marinha Grande), engineered wood (like
SONAE near
Porto), canned fish (like those of
Algarve and the northwest which included
one of the oldest canned fish companies in continuous operation in the world), fishing, food and beverage producing, tourism (well established in
Estoril/
Cascais/
Sintra (the
Portuguese Riviera) and growing as an international attraction in the
Algarve since the 1960s) and in agriculture and
agribusiness (like the ones scattered around
Ribatejo and
Alentejo – known as the
breadbasket of Portugal, as well as the notorious Cachão Agroindustrial Complex established in
Mirandela, Northern Portugal, in 1963) completed the panorama of the national economy by the early 1970s. In addition, rural areas' populations were committed to
agrarianism that was of great importance for a majority of the total population, with many families living exclusively from agriculture or complementing their salaries with farming, husbandry and forestry yields. The overseas territories of
Angola and
Mozambique (the largest Portuguese Overseas Provinces at the time) were internationally notable centres of production of oil, coffee, cotton, cashew, coconut, timber, minerals (like diamonds), metals (like iron and aluminium), banana, citrus, tea, sisal, beer, cement, fish and other sea products, beef and textiles. Labour unions were not allowed and a
minimum wage policy was not enforced. However, in a context of an expanding economy, bringing better living conditions for the Portuguese population in the 1960s, the outbreak of the colonial wars in Africa set off significant social changes, among them the rapid incorporation of more and more women into the labour market. Marcelo Caetano moved on to foster economic growth and some social improvements, such as the awarding of a monthly pension to rural workers who had never had the chance to pay social security. The objectives of Caetano's pension reform were threefold: enhancing equity, reducing fiscal and actuarial imbalance, and achieving more efficiency for the economy as a whole, for example, by establishing contributions less distortive to labour markets or by allowing the savings generated by pension funds to increase the investments in the economy.
1974 ), with emigration giving way to
retornados ranging from 500,000 to 1 million after the revolution The post
Carnation Revolution period was characterized by chaos and negative economic growth as industries were nationalised and the negative effects of the decoupling of Portugal from its former colonies were felt. Heavy industry came to an abrupt halt. All sectors of the economy from manufacturing, mining, chemical, defence, finance, agriculture and fishing went into free fall. Portugal experienced several years of negative growth. This was amplified by the mass emigration of skilled workers and entrepreneurs due to political intimidation, and the costs of accommodating in Portugal thousands of refugees from the former overseas provinces in Africa – the
retornados. After the
Carnation Revolution's turmoil of 1974, the Portuguese economic basis changed deeply. The Portuguese economy had changed significantly by 1973 prior to the leftist military coup, compared with its position in 1961 – total output (GDP at factor cost) had grown by 120 percent in real terms. After the Carnation Revolution military coup of 1974, by abandoning its moderate-reformist, pro-democracy posture, the
Movimento das Forças Armadas leadership set out on a course of sweeping nationalizations and land expropriations during a period known as
PREC. Wide powers were handed over to the
working class always having the concept of
dictatorship of the proletariat in mind. In 1960, Portugal's per capita GDP was only 38 percent of the EC-12 average. After Salazar's late shift in economic policy toward a more outward-looking,
economically liberal direction due to the influence of a new generation of technocrats with background in economics and technical-industrial know-how, by the end of the Salazar period, in 1968, it had risen to 48 percent; and in 1973, on the eve of the revolution, Portugal's per capita GDP had reached 56.4 percent of the EC-12 average. The growth rate of Portuguese merchandise exports during the period 1959 to 1973 was notable – 11 percent per annum. In 1960 the bulk of exports was accounted for by a few products – canned fish, raw and manufactured cork, cotton textiles, and wine. By contrast, in the early 1970s (before the 1974 military coup), Portugal's export list reflected significant product diversification, including both consumer and capital goods. Several branches of Portuguese industry became export-oriented, and in 1973 over one-fifth of Portuguese manufactured output was exported. There was a 16-percentage-point increase in the participation of the services sector from 39 percent of GDP in 1973 to 55.5 percent in 1990. Most of this growth reflected the exacerbated proliferation of civil service employment and the associated cost of
public administration, together with the contribution of tourism services during the 1980s to the detriment of more sustainable and reproductive activities like manufacturing, exporting and technology/capital-intensive industries.
EU membership (1986) ) per capita in 2024. Figures from the World Bank. Membership in the
European Communities, achieved in 1986, contributed to stable economic growth and
development, largely through increased trade ties and an inflow of
funds allocated by the
European Union (and before that the European Communities) to improve the country's infrastructure. Although the occurrence of economic growth and a
public debt relatively well-contained as a result of the number of civil servants has been increased from 485,368 in 1988 to 509,732 in 1991, which was a much lower increase than that which will happen in the following years until 2005 marked by irrational and unsustainable State employment, from 1988 to 1993, during the government cabinets led by then Prime Minister
Aníbal Cavaco Silva, the Portuguese economy was radically changed. As a result, there was a sharp and rapid decrease in the output of
tradable goods and a rise of the importance of the
non-tradable goods sector in the Portuguese economy. After a
recession in 1993, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 3.3%. In order to qualify for the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), Portugal agreed to cut its fiscal deficit and undertake structural reforms. The EMU brought to Portugal exchange rate stability, falling inflation, and falling interest rates. Falling interest rates, in turn, lowered the cost of public debt and helped the country achieve its fiscal targets. In 1999, it continued to enjoy sturdy economic growth, falling
interest rates, and low unemployment. The country qualified for the
Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union (EMU) in 1998 and joined with 10 other European countries in launching the
euro on 1 January 1999. The three different designs chosen for the national side of the Portuguese euro coins were drawn by the artist Vitor Manuel Fernandes dos Santos. The inspiration came from the three seals of the first king,
Dom Afonso Henriques. Portugal's inflation rate for 1999, 2.3%, was comfortably low.
Household debt expanded rapidly. The
European Commission,
OECD, and others advised the Portuguese Government to exercise more fiscal restraint. Portugal's public deficit exceeded 3% of GNP in 2001, the EU's self-imposed limit, and left the country open to either EU sanctions or tighter financial supervision. The overall rate of growth slowed in late 2001 and into 2002, making fiscal austerity that much more painful to implement. Portugal made significant progress in raising its standard of living to that of its EU partners. GDP per capita on a purchasing power parity basis rose from 51% of the EU average in 1985 to 78% in early 2002. By 2005 this had dropped to 72% (of the average across all of now 25 EU members, including seven with GDP per capita lower than Portugal) as GDP per capita rose in other EU countries. Unemployment stood at 4.1% at the end of 2001, which was low compared to the EU average. GDP growth in 2006, at 1.3%, was the lowest not just in the European Union but in all of Europe. In the 2000s, the Czech Republic, Malta and Slovenia overtook Portugal in terms of GDP per capita. From 2010 until 2012, GDP per capita (PPP) in Portugal fell below those of Slovakia (in Europe) and Seychelles (outside Europe). In 2013 it was estimated that the Portuguese GDP per capita will be similar (within minus or plus US$1,000 per capita) of those of Greece, Estonia and Lithuania. The GDP per capita fell from just over 80% of the EU 25 average in 1999 to just over 70% in 2007. This poor performance of the Portuguese economy was explored in April 2007 by
The Economist which described
Portugal as "a new
sick man of Europe". From 2002 to 2007, the unemployment rate increased 65% (270,500 unemployed citizens in 2002, 448,600 unemployed citizens in 2007). In December 2009, ratings agency
Standard and Poor's lowered its long-term credit assessment of Portugal to "negative" from "stable", voicing pessimism on the country's structural weaknesses in the economy and weak competitiveness that would hamper growth and the capacity to strengthen its
public finances and reduce
debt. However, the Portuguese subsidiaries of large
multinational companies ranked among the most
productive in the world, including
Siemens Portugal,
Volkswagen Autoeuropa,
Qimonda Portugal (before the parent company filed for bankruptcy),
IKEA,
Nestlé Portugal,
Microsoft Portugal,
Unilever/
Jerónimo Martins and
Danone Portugal. Many Portuguese companies have grown and expanded internationally since after 1986. Among the most notable Portugal-based global companies are
SONAE,
Amorim,
Sogrape,
EFACEC,
Portugal Telecom,
Jerónimo Martins,
Cimpor,
Unicer,
Millennium bcp,
Lactogal,
Sumol + Compal,
Delta Cafés,
Derovo,
Critical Software,
Galp Energia,
EDP,
Grupo José de Mello,
Sovena Group,
Valouro,
Renova,
Teixeira Duarte,
Soares da Costa,
Portucel Soporcel,
Simoldes,
Iberomoldes,
Logoplaste and
TAP Portugal Portuguese financial crisis (2010–2013) bonds during
Portuguese financial crisis outside the
Assembly of the Republic The Portuguese Financial crisis was a major political and
economic crisis, related with the European sovereign debt crisis and its heavy impact in Portugal. The crisis started to be noted in the initial weeks of 2010 and only began to fade away with the start of the Portuguese economic recovery in the late 2013. It was the Portuguese economy's most severe recession since the 1970s. A report published in January 2011 by the
Diário de Notícias, a leading Portuguese newspaper, demonstrated that during the period of the
Carnation Revolution, from 1974 to 2010, the Portuguese democratic
governments have encouraged over-expenditure and investment bubbles through unclear public-private partnerships. Consequently, numerous ineffective external consultancy/advising committees and firms were funded, and this facilitated considerable
slippage in state-managed
public works, inflated top management and head officers' bonuses and wages. Additionally, a recruitment policy eventuated that has boosted the number of redundant public servants. For almost four decades, the nation's economy has also been damaged by risky
credit,
public debt creation, and mismanaged European
structural and cohesion funds. Apparently, Prime Minister
Sócrates's cabinet was unable to forecast or prevent the crisis when symptoms first appeared in 2005, and was later incapable of doing anything to ameliorate the situation when the country was on the verge of bankruptcy in 2011. The number of civil servants had increased from 509,732 to 727,701 between 1991 and 2011. Four factors that heavily contributed to the financial crisis were: • The financial collapse of
Banco Português de Negócios (BPN) due to a huge amount of toxic credits conceded by the bank in exchange of promises of illegal gains to the administrators, like corporate positions or the acquisitions of assets previously detained by them. The government nationalized the bank in November 2008 and, according to the BPN Inquiry Commission, until 2012, the nationalization of the bank cost 3405 million Euros to the State. In 2010 alone, the bank had an impact of 1803 million Euros in the public accounts, which was equivalent to 1.2% of the GDP. • The bankruptcy of the bank
Banco Privado Português (BPP), which entailed large costs for the State. This bank was dissolved by
Banco de Portugal in April 2010. In 2010 alone, the BPP cost 450 million euros to the taxpayers, consisting in guarantees driven by the State in that year. • The budgetary slippage with the
Public–private partnerships (PPPs): between 2008 and 2010 the accounts slipped 560.2 million euros, mainly due to the rents paid to road concessions, to which were paid more 425.5 million euros than it was budgeted. In 2011 the slippage in the rents with the road concessions rose 28% to 197.4 million euros above what was budgeted and rose 42.3% to 266.3 million euros above what had been forecasted for 2010. The State spent a total of 896.6 million euros in rents to the road concessions. The rents paid to the PPPs in the health and rail sectors also slipped considerably. • The
Swaps contracted by State-owned businesses with potential losses higher than 3000 million euros. In 2013, the Portuguese government reserved 898 million euros in the Amending Government Budget to bear the costs of the settlement of these contracts, so those companies can pay the accumulated losses to the financial institutions with which they contracted those swaps. The recipient firms of that support are the
Lisbon Metro (548 million euros), the
Porto Metro (315 million euros),
REFER, whose administrator in the time when those contracts were approved is the former Finance Minister of Portugal,
Maria Luís Albuquerque (20 million euros) and
Estradas de Portugal (15 million euros). In April 2011, Portugal confirmed the receipt of a financial bailout from the IMF and the European Union worth €78 billion ($115 billion, £70 billion), following Greece and the Republic of Ireland. Some senior German policymakers publicly stated that emergency bailouts for Greece and future EU aid recipients should be accompanied by harsh penalties, which caused social unrest in Ireland and across Southern European countries, germanophobia, a big increase of euroscepticism and the rise of far-left and far-right parties in Greece (namely
SYRIZA,
Golden Dawn, among others), as well as the eurosceptic
Five Star Movement and
Lega Nord in Italy. In May 2007, 65% of the Portuguese tended to trust the EU institutions while 24% tended not to trust them. On the other hand, in November 2012, only 34% tended to trust them, while 59% tended not to trust them (even so, less extreme than Greece or Spain, where 81% and 72% tended not to trust them, respectively). Partly as a result of this disappointed attitude concerning the EU, Portugal has started to close ties with Africa, Brazil as well as with other Latin American countries, China, USA, Switzerland and other parts of the world, which has been reflected both in the investments, in foreign trade, and even in emigration. The three-year EU aid program incorporating the €78 billion support package ended in May 2014. At the time the Portuguese government reaffirmed its commitment to continue its economic reform, declaring that while the bailout had allowed the country to put its economy back on track, it still faced significant challenges.
Resumption of Portuguese economic growth (2014–present) The year of 2014 marked the start of the recovery of the Portuguese economy. Since the third quarter of 2014, the Portuguese economy has been steadily expanding, with a GDP growth of 0.4% quarterly and 1.5% yearly registered in the second quarter of 2015. The economic recovery has been accompanied by a continuous fall in the unemployment rate (8.5% in the third quarter of 2017, from a high of 17% in 2012). The Government budget deficit has also been reduced from the 11.2% of GDP in 2010 to 4.8% in 2014. The
International Monetary Fund issued an update report in late June 2017 with some positive news including a stronger near-term outlook and an increase in investments and exports. Because of a surplus in 2016, the country was no longer bound by the Excessive Deficit Procedure. The banking system was more stable, although there were still non-performing loans and corporate debt. The IMF recommended working on solving these problems for Portugal to be able to attract more private investment. "Sustained strong growth, together with continued public debt reduction, would reduce vulnerabilities arising from high indebtedness, particularly when monetary accommodation is reduced." By 2021, Portugal's
GDP (PPP) was $36,381 per capita, according to OECD's report. It was the 4th lowest GDP per capita (PPP) of the eurozone out of 19 members, and the 8th lowest of the European Union out of 27 member-states, with several former economically disadvantaged
Communist Bloc countries which in the meanwhile had become Eastern European member-states of the EU, nearly reaching or surpassing Portugal in terms of GDP (PPP) per capita around this date. Also in 2021,
labour productivity (PPP) was the fifth lowest among the 27 member-states of the European Union (EU) and was 35% lower than the EU average. By 2022, the Portuguese productivity of labour had fallen to the fourth lowest position among the 27 member-states of the European Union with only Bulgaria and Greece being clearly inferior to Portugal in that parameter. At this stage, Portugal had been a net beneficiary to the
European Union budget since it joined the union, then known as
EEC, in 1986. Portugal's GDP growth rate recorded the highest increase in the EU for the fourth quarter of 2024 as a percentage change compared with the previous quarter of 2024, according to Eurostat, with +1.5%. Moreover, while GDP per capita increased in 21 out of 27 countries across Europe, Portugal ranked 5th with an increase in the quarterly real GDP per capita of 0.68% in 2024. Portugal also ranks 2nd highest growth in household income rising by 6.7% and therefore surpassing the OECD average of 0.9%. According to the figures published in January 2024, by Banco de Portugal, Portugal’s Central Bank, Portugal's debt-to-GDP ratio is declining. Portugal’s total net debt vis-à-vis the rest of the world decreased from 85.4% of GDP in June 2023 to 82.7% of GDP in September 2023. Portugal’s budget surplus exceeded forecasts by 1 billion euros for the year 2023. Portugal achieved a historic budget surplus of 1.2% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the year 2023, exceeding the target of 0.8% that was expected to reach 2,191 million euros.'''''' The country also ranks 6th EU country with the highest Gold Reserves by value in euros in 2025, since in Q4 2024, the country holds 382.66 tonnes of gold valued at nearly 35 billion euros. == Data ==