Throughout the history of the Third Republic, the relationship between the prime minister and the president has ebbed and flowed. In the early to mid-1990s, the relationship largely depended on different interpretations of the vague, legal prerogatives of each office at the time, though since the passage of the Constitution of 1997, political preferences and individual personalities have characterised the relationship. Conflicts between the two offices, however, have generated party splits and political paralysis in the past. Both before and after his 1990 election to the presidency, Lech Wałęsa had a deeply strained relationship with Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, stemming from Wałęsa's belief that Mazowiecki was not aggressive enough in the dismissal of former Polish United Workers' Party members from senior government and economic positions. Mazowiecki's famous 1989
Thick Line speech (
gruba kreska) further exacerbated the splintering. The split between the two men fractured the original uniting
Solidarity Citizens' Committee by 1990, with intellectuals supporting Mazowiecki's new
Citizens' Movement for Democratic Action, while workers supported the
Centre Agreement, a political movement based around Wałęsa. While Wałęsa advocated for constitutional reform to enlarge presidential prerogatives over the prime minister, Olszewski launched a campaign to deliberately embarrass the president and undermine Wałęsa's stature, releasing a list of alleged ex-communist collaborators within the Sejm, with some conspirators linked to the president. Wałęsa was further infuriated by Olszewski's attempts to gain influence within the Polish Armed Forces by appointing
Radosław Sikorski as deputy defence minister without consultation. Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, who succeeded in forming a government after
Waldemar Pawlak's failure to gather a workable coalition, enjoyed a far more amicable relationship with the president. (left) and Prime Minister
Donald Tusk (right), seen during Tusk's oath of office in November 2007. Frequent disputes between the two leaders characterised Polish politics between 2007 and 2010. The implementation of a new constitution in 1997 profoundly affected the relationship between the premiership and the presidency. Uncertainties over presidential and prime ministerial power that marked the Third Republic's first years were removed, eliminating the ability of the president to fully disrupt the government, and further strengthening the prime minister's position. Under President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Prime Minister
Jerzy Buzek's government became the first administration to be elected under the new constitution. From 2007 until Kaczyński's death in the
Smolensk air disaster in 2010, policy differences between the two offices were a constant source of division, with the president employing his limited veto powers numerous times over the government's legislation; Tusk's government lacked a 60 percent threshold to overturn such vetoes. In 2015 in a short period of time relations between President
Andrzej Duda and Prime Minister
Ewa Kopacz were tense too. On 31 May 2015 Duda announced the resolution electing him president during the ceremony. He appealed for no major political changes to be made before his swearing-in, as well as no changes "that may arouse unnecessary emotions and create conflicts." The prime minister noted that the government's relations with the president are defined in the Constitution: "This is indeed a surprising appeal. Please remember that the constitution regulates even friendly relations between the head of state and the government. The government has its duties, but also obligations towards Poles." She assured that her government had already fulfilled 90 percent of its announcements made in the expose and would continue to implement its programme. "The government should work until the end. That's what Poles pay it for," said Kopacz. The dispute between the president and the prime minister continues. Neither during the ceremony at Westerplatte nor immediately after did the politicians decide to talk. Even though Duda and Kopacz were standing next to each other, they did not shake hands.". (right) and Prime Minister
Mateusz Morawiecki (left), seen during conference Duda's relationships with the conservative prime ministers
Beata Szydło and
Mateusz Morawiecki were virtually free of conflict. Duda sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with. The most known were
Lex TVN and
Lex Czarnek. (left) and Prime Minister
Donald Tusk (right), seen during Tusk's oath of office in December 2023. Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of Duda and Prime Minister Tusk.
United Right would be unable to govern on its own, and Duda stated his intention to re-appoint incumbent Morawiecki as Prime Minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party. The four opposition parties criticised Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November,
de facto taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former Prime Minister and
European Council President Donald Tusk as their candidate.
Morawiecki's new cabinet, dubbed the "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023. Duda said he would veto the government’s amended 2024 spending bill and propose his own, in a challenge to Tusk. In a post on the social media platform
X, Duda cited the bill’s funding of public media, and said blocking it was appropriate “in view of the flagrant violation of the constitution.” Tusk himself tweeted that “the president’s veto takes away money from teachers”, to which Duda responded that if “you convene [parliament] after Christmas and pass by bill, which will included raises for teachers”, then they would not lose out. On 31 January 2024, Duda signed the national budget, agreed by the government, but sent it swiftly to the constitutional court citing doubts over its adoption. Although the budget was passed with a large majority, the absence of the two MPS, whose parliamentary mandates were annulled over criminal convictions, meant the National Assembly was not at full capacity when the vote took place. Tusk warned on Tuesday of a snap election if the budget is blocked by Duda. After Duda signed the budget, Tusk said sending the signed bill to the Constitutional Tribunal wouldn't change anything. "The budget is approved and that was the goal. The rest doesn't matter. People will get the money, nothing will stop it now.". On 29 March 2024 Polish President vetoes bill restoring access to emergency contraception. In a statement, Duda’s office outlined that his motivation in rejecting the legislation was to “protect the health of children”. He is opposed to the fact that the law would have allowed anyone aged 15 and above (Poland’s age of sexual consent) to buy the morning-after pill without the involvement of a doctor. The bill to restore prescription-free access to the 'morning-after pill' came from Prime Minister Donald Tusk's
government, Tusk wrote on platform X "The president did not take advantage of the opportunity to stand on the side of women. We are implementing plan B". In April 2024, the Polish
Sejm took a significant step by approving a
bill that recognizes Silesian as an official regional language in Poland. This recognition was accepted by the
Senate, however on 29 May 2024 The President has vetoed the bill. The president’s decision, which had been widely expected, was criticised by figures from the ruling coalition, it would allow the inclusion of Silesian in school curricula and its use within local administration in municipalities. Tusk responded on platform X "I would tell you in Silesian, Mr. President, what I think about your veto, but it is not appropriate in public". On 16 August 2024 Duda vetoed a bill that would have disbanded a commission investigating Russian influence on Poland’s internal security from 2007 to 2022. On 11 March 2025 President Andrzej Duda has vetoed a bill passed by the Polish government’s majority in parliament that would have changed the way the results of this year’s presidential election are validated by the Supreme Court. On 17 April 2025 President sent a bill that would expand Poland’s hate crime laws to include sexual orientation, sex/gender, age and disability as protected categories to the Constitutional Tribunal (TK). On May 6, 2025, President Duda vetoed a bill that would have reduced health insurance contributions for around 2.5 million business owners, citing risks to NFZ funding, lack of social consensus, and threats to social justice. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Tusk commented: “PiS increased the health insurance contribution for business owners. I proposed lowering it. President Duda vetoed the reduction. They are doing harm because they still can. There are 91 days, 9 hours and 2 minutes left of Duda’s presidency.”. On his last day in office August 5, 2025, President Andrzej Duda blocked two government initiatives and questioned a third. He refused to sign legislation that would have shut down certain academic institutions created under the previous PiS (Law and Justice) administration, and he also rejected proposed changes to a justice-sector training body. In addition, he referred a separate law to the Constitutional Tribunal, arguing it raised constitutional concerns because this legislation would have allowed individuals aged 13 and up to access psychological healthcare without requiring parental consent. He cited concerns that it would undermine parents’ constitutional rights. The 2025 presidential elections in Poland were a pivotal moment, occurring amid escalating tensions between the presidency and the government. After Andrzej Duda’s second term ended on August 6, 2025,
Karol Nawrocki, former head of the Institute of National Remembrance and a conservative-nationalist figure, was elected president, defeating the government-backed candidate,
Rafał Trzaskowski. Nawrocki’s victory deepened political divisions and further strained relations with Donald Tusk’s pro-European government. Soon after taking office, Nawrocki used his presidential powers to block key government proposals. On August 21, 2025, Polish President Karol Nawrocki used his veto for the first time since assuming office earlier that month, rejecting a bill that sought to relax rules on building onshore wind turbines and prolong the freeze on household electricity prices through the end of 2025. The veto drew sharp criticism from the ruling coalition, economists, and climate activists. Prime Minister Donald Tusk accused Nawrocki of bad faith or mismanagement, warning that the decision could push electricity prices higher for all Polish households, both immediately and in the long term... On August 25, 2025, Polish President rejected a bill that sought to prolong state financial support for Ukrainian refugees in Poland. His office explained that he opposes what it described as the “preferential treatment of foreign nationals” and plans to introduce his own legislative proposals on the issue. The bill that was vetoed sought to extend aid for around one million Ukrainian refugees in Poland, many of whom fled the ongoing war. It also included funding for Ukraine’s Starlink internet access. Nawrocki also vetoed two bills included in the government’s economic “deregulation” package, which would have, among other changes, reduced penalties for tax offenses that do not directly cause financial losses. Despite presidential opposition, Tusk’s government continued pursuing its agenda, including renewable energy development and support for Ukraine, such as maintaining Starlink internet access, even after corresponding laws were vetoed. On 27 August 2025 President Nawrocki has vetoed two additional bills, one concerning reforms to Poland’s oil and gas reserves law and the other amending legislation on plant protection measures. On 29 August 2025 President vetoed a government amendment to Poland’s child-protection law – commonly referred to as “Lex Kamilek,” which was introduced after the tragic death of an eight-year-old named Kamil (alias "Kamilek") by his stepfather. The proposed changes would have removed the requirement for double criminal record checks, allowing—for instance—a school to skip re-verifying a coach already screened by a sports club, and exempting professionals like police officers, lawyers, judges, as well as volunteers, parents helping in school activities, and visitors, from obtaining criminal-clearance certificates. On 17 October 2025, the President of Poland, vetoed a bill that would have recognised the Wymysorys language (also known as Vilamovian) as an official regional language of Poland. Wymysorys is a critically endangered West Germanic language spoken in the town of Wilamowice in southern Poland. It is estimated that fewer than 100 people speak the language, with most fluent speakers being elderly. The language originated in the 13th century and has been strongly influenced by Polish. On 8 November 2025, Nawrocki vetoed legislation that would have created the Lower Oder Valley National Park, which would have been Poland’s first new national park in 24 years. The bill had previously been approved by parliament as part of the government’s plans to expand protected natural areas. On 28 November 2025, Nawrocki vetoed a bill that would have introduced universal access to postal voting in Polish elections. The legislation, approved earlier by parliament, would have allowed any voter in Poland or abroad to submit their ballot by mail if they registered in advance. On 1 December 2025, vetoed legislation intended to regulate the crypto-assets market in Poland and align national law with the European Union’s Markets in Crypto-Assets Regulation (MiCA) framework. The bill had previously been approved by parliament with support from the governing coalition. The legislation would have introduced oversight of the crypto-asset sector by designating the Polish Financial Supervision Authority (KNF) as the regulator. Crypto-asset companies would have been required to submit information about their activities to the authority, which would have had the power to impose sanctions and enforce compliance. The bill also included provisions establishing criminal liability for certain offences related to crypto-asset activities. On 2 December 2025, Nawrocki vetoed a bill that would have banned keeping dogs on chains and introduced minimum kennel-size requirements based on the weight of the animal. The proposal had previously been approved by parliament. On 19 December 2025, Nawrocki, vetoed two government bills that would have increased taxes on alcoholic beverages and sugary or sweetened drinks. The legislation had been passed by parliament as part of the government’s efforts to increase state revenue and influence consumer behaviour. In January 2026, Nawrocki vetoed legislation intended to implement the European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA) in Polish law. The bill, which had been approved by parliament, aimed to establish national mechanisms for enforcing the EU regulation and addressing illegal online content. The proposed law would have granted authorities such as the Office of Electronic Communications and the National Broadcasting Council powers to block online content considered illegal, including material containing criminal threats, child abuse, incitement to suicide, hate speech, or violations of intellectual property rights. Requests to block content could have been submitted by individuals as well as public bodies such as the police, prosecutors, border guard, or tax authorities. In February 2026, Nawrocki vetoed legislation that would have recognised the Silesian language as an official regional language in Poland. Silesian is spoken in the historical region of Silesia in southwestern Poland. According to the 2021 national census, around 460,000 people declared that they use Silesian as their primary language at home. ==Support staff and residence==