In February 1914, therefore, Munro Ferguson was happy to accept the post of
Governor-General of Australia (he had refused the
governorship of South Australia in 1895 and
that of Victoria in 1910). He was appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the
Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) prior to his appointment on 18 May 1914. His political background, his connections with the Liberal government in London and his imperialist views made him both better equipped and more inclined to play an activist role in Australian politics than any of his predecessors. At the same time, he had enough sense to confine his activism to behind the scenes influence. He was described as
an active Imperial supervisor by the journalist,
Keith Murdoch, using his own cipher to signal London. During the
First World War, which broke out in August 1914, the reciprocal power of the Australian High Commission in London was severely restricted and Government House had a furious falling out with the then
Governor of New South Wales,
Sir Gerald Strickland. They grew to hate one another and the latter was jealous of Melbourne's superior power and location of governance. The British Government underfunded the federal government and ignored the huge debts spent by State Governors on public works but it was the most active government since federation; and Munro-Ferguson its most active ambassador. He developed close friendships with two judges of the
High Court of Australia:
Sir Samuel Griffith (the Chief Justice, and former
Premier of Queensland) and
Sir Edmund Barton (former
Prime Minister of Australia). He consulted Griffith and Barton on many occasions, including on the exercise of the
reserve powers of the Crown.
Strickland Although 'a genial host and brilliant controversialist',
Sir Gerald Strickland 'his tactlessness caused some uneasiness'. The new Governor-General found himself in a struggle over precedence. The post of New South Wales Governor was the oldest in Australia and had long been considered the most powerful. But, by law, the royal appointment to
Government House held sway. During the First World War, the strain began to show in the London Liberal government. Ferguson was desperate to keep secrecy, and maintain control over policy access to London. On 3 June 1916, the Colonial Secretary informed Ferguson that a coalition was pending. Strickland, having snubbed the Government in Melbourne, went over the Governor-General's head directly to London. Strickland worked up an ANZAC day annual memorial, which proved very popular – but which Strickland claimed was a national celebration. On 1 May 1917, Munro Ferguson confessed to
Lord Stamfordham that he had under-estimated the deep emotional loyalty of ordinary Australians. Press belief that Anzacs were the spearhead elite and shocktroops among dominions gave a status in the British Empire's armies they sustained throughout the war.
Australian federal election, 1914 It was advantageous that Munro Ferguson was politically experienced because he arrived in Melbourne, then the site of the
Parliament of Australia, to find himself in the midst of a political crisis. The
Liberal government of
Joseph Cook had a one-seat majority in the
House of Representatives, but the
Labor Party had a majority in the
Senate and had used it systematically to frustrate the government. Cook was now determined to force a
double dissolution election under Section 57 of the
Constitution.
Winston Churchill did not help when hinting 'wastage' could be made up from former wounded Australians, and communicating the idea to Munro-Ferguson. A journalist
Keith Murdoch tried to take documents from the imperial base at Egypt to London, to meet PM Asquith and Lord Northcliffe of
The Times. He was intercepted
en route by British intelligence, under orders from General Hamilton. Bonar Law remained critical of the policy and joined
David Lloyd George to bring about a Coalition.
Billy Hughes was the driving force behind the war effort and the policy of conscription. The incoming Labor Premier formed a close relationship with Munro Ferguson, who recognised his ability. Munro Ferguson saw his role in wartime as an agent of the British war effort, not just a representative of the Crown. He openly supported those who were committed to the war, and opposed those who were not. In the Pacific, Japan were allies; but their naval expansionary plans worried. The Colonial Secretary adopted a policy similar to Conservative
Sir Stafford Northcote, Governor-General (1904–8). Munro Ferguson was actively travelling the country reviewing troops, meeting dignitaries, and seeing munitions factories. Through an active correspondence with General Birdwood, his influence was felt over senior military appointments. His authority firmly stamped on the Dominion, he favoured
Gen Brudenell White over
Gen Monash, the eventual commander of AIF. In October 1915, Fisher resigned and was succeeded as prime minister by Hughes. Munro Ferguson recognised Hughes's qualities as a war leader and supported him privately and publicly, in a way that stretched constitutional propriety. Hughes was convinced that only the introduction of
conscription would allow Australia to maintain its commitment to the war effort and Munro Ferguson gave him every encouragement. Hughes' answer was to call-up 50,000 more men – but without planning ahead. Hughes refused to call a debate in the Federal parliament. Munro Ferguson regarded the defeat of the conscription
plebiscites in October 1916 and December 1917 as disasters for Australia and the war effort. He also believed that the
British Empire needed an integrationist bluewater policy that mixed Canadian and British troops with Australians in the regimental system. The Governor made it clear that the war was simply and justly a big fight:
The absence of carping here over the premature bombardment, and the postponed list casualties is beyond all praise, he wrote of the ANZAC at Gallipoli. In Munro-Ferguson's opinion the press was a victim of hyperbole on Australian soldiers:
big-noting ...tale of heroism that thrilled the world. When Hughes was expelled from the Labor Party after the
first plebiscite, Munro Ferguson allowed him to stay in office as a minority prime minister, supported by Cook's Liberals. He encouraged Hughes and Cook to form a new party on a "win the war" platform. This party, the
Nationalist Party, was formed later in 1916 with Hughes as leader and Cook as deputy leader. During the
second plebiscite campaign, Hughes pledged to resign if it were not carried. The plebiscite lost, and Hughes followed through on his promise to resign. However, there were no alternative candidates, and Munro Ferguson used his reserve power to promptly recommission Hughes — thus allowing Hughes to stay in office while fulfilling his promise to stand down. ==Post-war==