Somalis in the UK are subject to a significant degree of
social exclusion. Writing in
The Guardian in 2008, Jeremy Sare argued that "the social exclusion of British Somalis is unparalleled and mirrors the isolation of Somalia itself". According to an article in
The Economist published in 2013, Somalis "are among the poorest, worst-educated and least-employed" refugee populations in Britain. The issue of youth crime and gang violence within the Somali community is often covered in the media. Somalis are overrepresented among criminal offences relative to their proportion of the British population and are among the top 10 nationalities for criminals convicted under terrorism-related offences in the United Kingdom. Somalis have one of the highest rates of imprisonment of any nationality present in the United Kingdom. 268 out of every 10,000 Somali residents of the United Kingdom is in prison, the eighth highest rate of any national group in the United Kingdom. According to a 2009 report in
The Times, “The most destabilising by-product of the large-scale Somali migration to Britain has been the propensity of a significant number of young Somali men to become involved in crime and to use violence.” According to
The Times, “Between 2017 and 2019, 26 young British-Somalis died in knife attacks and violent crime, according to evidence submitted to parliament by the London Somali Youth Forum.” In a report issued by the
Council of Somali Organisations in 2016, “The available evidence has indicated that the most common offences committed by Somali young people are robbery and violent and drug-related offences” In October 2021, British MP
Sir David Amess was
murdered in his constituency surgery by
Ali Harba Ali, a British-Somali man and
Islamic State sympathiser. Ali stabbed the victim multiple times with a knife in front of a crowd. According to Abdikadir Ahmed of the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre in Camden, which encourages young Somalis to use the entrepreneurial skills they have learnt in gangs for more productive purposes and which works with Somalis in
Feltham Young Offenders Institution, the number of young Somalis who are imprisoned has been falling.
The Economist reports that few Somalis were involved in the
2011 summer riots.
Employment According to the 2021 United Kingdom Census, 47.1% of all Somalis in Britain were ‘economically inactive’, a term referring to individuals not in education, employment or training and who are not seeking employment. This compares to 24.7% of the overall population of England and Wales.
Housing According to research, in the mid-2000s, over 95 per cent of Somali immigrants in the UK lived in
rental accommodation and of this group, about 80 per cent lived in
social housing.
Educational achievement Commentators and policymakers have expressed concern about the poor educational performance of Somali pupils in British schools. No nationwide statistics are available on the number and educational attainment of Somali pupils in the UK. This is because "Somali" is not a tick-box option in
official ethnicity classifications. Consequently, Somali students are often aggregated into a broader "Black African" category in pupil performance data. Some
local education authorities in England make use of so-called "extended ethnicity codes" in order to capture data on more specific groups of pupils, including Somalis. Collating data from local authorities that collect this data, the Institute for Public Policy Research has published statistics on
GCSE performance by extended ethnicity code. According to these statistics, in the school year 2010–11, the proportion of Somali pupils being awarded five or more GCSEs at grades A* to C, including in mathematics and English, was 23.7 percentage points below the average for all groups of 56.9 per cent. Feyisa Demie of the London Borough of Lambeth's Research and Statistics Unit has used language spoken at home as a proxy for ethnicity, using language data on pupils whose first language is not English, which has been collected in England since 2007. His analysis shows that of the 2,748 pupils classified as Black African and speaking Somali at home taking GCSEs in 2012, 47 per cent gained five or more A*-C grades, compared to 58 per cent of all Black African students and a national average for all pupils of 59 per cent. Demie and colleagues have also analysed data from London local authorities that use extended ethnicity codes. They note that "evidence in London shows a pattern of continuous underachievement of Somali children compared to the national average of White British, African, Caribbean, Indian and other ethnic minority groups", and that Somalis pupils are the lowest attaining group at
Key Stage 2,
Key Stage 3 and GCSE level in a number of local authorities. They present an average figure for 10 London local authorities, showing that only 34 per cent of Somali pupils gained five or more A*-C GCSEs in 2006. The average for Somalis in schools in 28 London local authorities was 43 per cent. There was marked variation in these pupils' performance across London. In one local authority, no Somali pupils were awarded five GCSEs at grades A*-C, but in five other local authorities, the proportion achieving this benchmark was between 52 per cent and 69 per cent. A number of explanations have been offered for the relatively poor performance of Somali pupils in British schools. These include the fact that many Somalis enter the British education system late due to their arrival as refugees and have had their education interrupted, stereotyping and a lack of cultural awareness on the part of school staff, an inability of parents to offer sufficient support due to lack of knowledge of the system and lack of maternal literacy, poverty and overcrowding in Somali homes, and a lack of
role models. Lack of English language ability is a key factor. In the
London Borough of Lambeth, around 87 per cent of Somali pupils are not fluent in English. Significant improvements in the performance of Somali pupils have been observed in some London boroughs. In September 2000, Somali community groups in conjunction with
Camden Council, police and the voluntary sector established the Somali Youth Development Resource Centre in order to provide advice, information and activities for Somali youngsters, with the aim of promoting educational achievement, after only one Somali pupil gained five good GCSEs in the borough that year. The centre is credited with helping significantly improve Somalis' GCSE performance. The Camden and
Tower Hamlets local authorities reported that the performance of their Somali pupils was comparable with the overall student population in those boroughs in the school year 2011–12.
Health and social services Academic research has shown that British Somalis' ability to access healthcare "can be restricted through health service institutions' difficulties in recognising their linguistic and cultural diversity and is limited by combined wider social, political and economic effects". Due to uncertainty over what services are available under the
National Health Service, how to access that care, and what to expect it from it, Somalis in the Manchester area reportedly often seek medical treatment in
Germany. The German healthcare system was perceived by them as being very professional and responsive, with rapid access to specialist care and modern scanning technology. German doctors have also advertised on Somali television for many years, and this has developed as the main medical tourism route for the Somali communities. Research conducted with Somali health workers in London has also shown that many Somali women have bad experiences of giving birth in the UK. This can be the result of the mismanagement of care relating to
female circumcision during both pregnancy and labour. The respondents also reported that, in addressing communication barriers, the importance of oral culture amongst Somalis is not sufficiently recognised. Furthermore, Somali women felt that the attitudes of midwives towards them were stereotyped and negative. Other research has shown that there is a perceived failure of
social services to work with the Somali community in London, and that there is growing mistrust of the motives of social services. Reporting about the
COVID-19 pandemic in April 2020, the BBC stated that the pandemic "has hit the Somali community hard in both economic and human terms", with those dying of the disease including "a disproportionate number of Somalis". A June 2020 report in the
Financial Times noted that Somalis had been disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, though "[p]recisely how many have died is difficult to ascertain because Somalis do not yet feature as a separate ethnic identity in official UK statistics".
Female genital mutilation Female genital mutilation (FGM) is commonplace in Somalia (typically in the form of
infibulation) but is illegal in the UK.
UNICEF estimates that 98 per cent of girls and women aged 15 to 49 in Somalia have experienced FGM. Three doctors working at
Northwick Park Hospital in London, where a significant proportion of African women giving birth were Somali, warned in 1995 that due to growing Somali and Sudanese migrant populations, "the problem of caring for infibulated women will be faced by most midwives and obstetricians at some stage". Also in 1995, Black and Debelle noted in the
British Medical Journal "evidence that the operation is being performed illegally in Britain...by medically qualified or unqualified practitioners and that children are being sent abroad for a 'holiday' to have it done". This latter practice continues, with children regularly taken to Somalia or Kenya in the school summer holidays for FGM to be undertaken. Estimates published in July 2014 suggest that the vast majority of Somali-born women in Britain have undergone FGM. The report, by Alison Macfarlane and
Efua Dorkenoo, notes that some members of migrant groups continue to support FGM once in the UK, although younger generations are most likely to be opposed to it. A study published in 2004, based on research with a sample of young Somalis in London, found that 70 per cent of the females reported having been circumcised, two-thirds of these by infibulation. Of those who were already living in Britain before the usual age of FGM being performed, only 42 per cent had undergone the practice, whereas amongst those who moved to the UK after this age, the proportion was 91 per cent. The study also found that these younger people reported having less traditional views on FGM than their parents. 18 per cent of the female respondents and 43 of the males said that they intended to circumcise any daughters that they had. Some Somali women in the UK, particularly of younger generations, have spoken out publicly and campaigned against the practice. Research conducted by academics from the University of Bristol and Cardiff University in 2018 found that the Somalis included in the study were committed to the ending of FGM practices, but they felt traumatised and victimised by FGM safeguarding policies. The researchers noted that Somalis "felt distrusted, their intentions suspected and their needs ignored. There was a sense that the whole Somali community was unfairly targeted and had become a 'suspect community'...: a group considered by the state to be suspicious despite there being no evidence of criminal involvement. Participants also described FGM-safeguarding policy as inherently racist and gave examples of how wider debates on FGM directly contributed to experiences of racist violence from the public".
Khat use Khat is a plant that is mainly grown in
East Africa and the
Middle East. Its leaves are chewed for their stimulating properties, primarily by people from these regions. Within Somali culture especially, khat chewing has a long history as a social custom that traditionally brings people together to relax and to encourage conversation. Some people also use it to help them stay alert during work or school. Ordinarily, khat use would be limited to specific periods of the day and session durations. A 2007 source reports that khat was readily available at that time in , commercial establishments where the substance was sold and chewed. Within the Somali community as well as other groups with khat-chewing traditions, the activity was generally perceived as legitimate and not censured like alcohol and illegal drug use are within those same communities. Some Somali community organisations also campaigned for khat to be banned. As a result of these concerns, the
Home Office commissioned successive research studies to look into the matter, and in 2005, presented the question of khat's legal status before the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs. After a careful review of the evidence, the expert committee recommended in January 2006 that the status of khat as a legal substance should remain for the time being. In 2008,
Conservative politician
Sayeeda Warsi stated that a future Conservative government would ban khat. Following lobbying by Somali community groups, in July 2013 it was announced that khat was to be classified as a
class C drug and therefore banned. Khat was officially made illegal in the UK in June 2014. This move was welcomed by some Somali groups, Criticising the ban, House of Commons
Home Affairs Select Committee stated that it "was based not on any evidence of medical or social harm caused by its consumption, but by a desire to avoid the UK becoming a hub for the illegal importation of khat into other EU countries".
Forced marriage According to data published by the British government's Forced Marriage Unit (FMU), a joint effort between the
Home Office and the
Foreign and Commonwealth Office, of the 91 cases that related to Somalia in 2017, 71.4 per cent involved victims who were female and 28.6 per cent male, 25.3 per cent were under the age of 15 and another 29.7 per cent were aged 16–17. Approximately 75 per cent of the victims were already overseas when they contacted the FMU. The number of cases relating to Somalia reported to the FMU in 2017 was more than twice the number recorded in 2016. The 91 cases represented 7.6 per cent of all cases referred to the FMU, where Somalia had the third highest number of cases after
Pakistan and Bangladesh. ==Community==