The Turkish government promotes the narrative that the Syrian Kurdish
Democratic Union Party (PYD), the leading political party of the
Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, and the YPG militia, the leading component group of the
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), were reportedly taking control of and
ethnically cleansing land which did not belong to the Kurds. No evidence has been provided for these assertions, which were refuted by the
United Nations. Turkish president Erdoğan has stated that Arabs would be more able to live in the area, which he believed was mostly desert, although
Syrian Kurdistan is mostly north of the
Syrian Desert. Political analysts stated that throughout the Syrian civil war, while Turkey presented itself as the protector of
Syrian Turkmens, its real goal was to fight Kurdish forces, as Turkey ignored several atrocities committed by the Syrian government against Turkmens during the war. Turkey has received the co-chair of the PYD,
Salih Muslim, for talks in 2013 and in 2014, and entertained the idea of opening a Rojava representation office in
Ankara if it abides by the city's policies. Opposition leader
Selahattin Demirtas has suggested for Turkey and other countries to recognize Rojava and work with it as a partner, but Turkey remained persistently hostile because it feels threatened by Rojava's emergence encouraging activism for autonomy among
Kurds in Turkey and the
Kurdish–Turkish conflict, and in this context in particular Rojava's leading
PYD and the YPG militia being members of the
Kurdistan Communities Union, which also includes both political and militant Kurdish organizations in Turkey itself, including the PKK. Turkey's policy towards Rojava is based on an economic blockade, persistent attempts of international isolation, opposition to the cooperation of the international Anti-ISIL-coalition with Rojava militias, and support of
Islamist Syrian Civil War parties hostile towards Rojava, in past times including ISIL. On several occasions, Turkey has also attacked Rojava territory and defense forces, with the latter resulting in some of the most clearcut instances of international solidarity with Rojava.
Intervention plans A vote in the
Turkish Parliament was scheduled for 1 October 2014 on whether or not to invade Syria as part of the war on ISIL while preparations for a possible intervention were made. The
de facto "declaration of war" took the form of two separate motions, one on Iraq and one on Syria, which would authorize Turkish troops to invade those countries. Deputy Prime Minister
Bülent Arınç said that the resolutions aimed to extend the current mandate for "hot pursuit" against the PKK and Syrian Army into Syria and Iraq, which was to end the second week in October, to add the Islamic State to the list, and to set up a buffer zone on the Syrian side of the border. President Erdoğan opened the parliamentary session by saying that Turkey would fight against the Islamic State and other "terrorist" groups in the region, but would stick to its aim of seeing
Bashar al-Assad removed from power. The motion passed 298–98. With the governing party losing its majority in the
Turkish general election on 7 June 2015, rumors began to circulate that President Erdoğan would order an intervention of Syria to prevent the creation of a Kurdish state straddling northern Syria and Iraq. Leaked plans stated that, sometime during the first couple of weeks of July, up to 18,000 troops invaded Syria via the
Jarabulus and
Azaz borders, which were in the hands of ISIL and the Free Syrian Army, respectively, and set up a buffer zone to which refugees could be repatriated. Limiting intervention to airstrikes has also been discussed, since the idea of invading Syria proved extremely unpopular with most sections of Turkish society. By the end of June, a number of Turkish newspapers reported that Ankara was considering a ground operation to establish a buffer zone, which was planned to be 110 km long and 33 km deep, along the Turkish border in Northern Syria to prevent Syrian Kurds from declaring an independent state. The military demanded legal backing for such a move, which Erdoğan provided on 29 June by chairing a meeting of the National Security Council.
Kobani activity With the Turkish government believing that a declaration was enough, and with only a select few western airstrikes aiding
Kobani defenders, troops from the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) edged closer to the city, eventually entering it from the southwest in October 2014. Feeling betrayed by the Turkish government and hearing that Prime Minister
Ahmet Davutoğlu's previous vow not to let Kobani fall was actually a lie, refugees and Turkish citizens began to protest. Turkish police responded with tear gas and water cannons, and live ammunition in the southern province of
Adana, killing protestors. By 7 October, ISIL militants and Kurdish defenders were fighting in the streets of Kobani, with many dead and scores wounded on both sides. On 10 October, ISIL began shelling the border post near Kobani. Meanwhile, rioting continued in Turkey, and 31 people were killed in street clashes by mid-October. Turkish President Erdoğan denounced the protests, stating that they were attacking Turkey's "peace, stability, and environment of trust." On 29 November 2014, ISIL began attacking the YPG in Kobani from Turkish territory. During the attack, a group of ISIL fighters were seen atop granary silos on the Turkish side of the border. According to
Der Spiegel, ISIL fighters also attacked YPG positions near the border gate from Turkish soil. According to the SOHR, YPG fighters crossed the Turkish border and attacked ISIL positions on Turkish soil, before pulling back to Syria. The Turkish Army later regained control of the border crossing and the silos. On 25 June 2015, ISIL fighters launched an
attack against Kobani, detonating three
car bombs. The ISIL fighters reportedly disguised themselves as Kurdish security forces before entering the town and shooting civilians with assault rifles and RPGs. Over 164 people were killed and 200 injured. ISIS also executed at least 23 Syrian Kurds, among them women and children, in the village of Barkh Butan, about 20 kilometers south of Kobani.
Rojava expansion and increased Turkish hostility On 24 and 25 October 2015, Kurds said the Turkish military opened fire at its forces in
Tell Abyad after the majority Arab town was included into
Kobani Canton. Davutoğlu confirmed it, saying "we hit it twice". There were no casualties in the shooting and the Kurdish forces did not return fire. On 25 October, Turkish forces also attacked the village of Buban, wounding two civilians during the attack. In addition, SOHR said that Turkish troops were shelling the road to the west of
Tal Rifaat and the region to the west of the Syrian border town of Azaz, but failed to stop the advance of the Kurdish forces. On 16 February 2016, Turkish forces continued to shell the positions of Syrian Kurds in northern Syria for the fourth day. Turkish military said that it was retaliating to fire coming from the region. On 17 February 2016, in Ankara, a
car bombing attack happened at night. The attack targeted a convoy of military vehicles. Davutoğlu and President Erdoğan blamed a Syrian Kurdish militia fighter working with Kurdish militants inside Turkey for a suicide car bombing, and vowed retaliation in both Syria and Iraq. However the
Kurdistan Freedom Falcons took responsibility for the attack and said they targeted security forces. In February 2016, Turkey and Saudi Arabia were pressing for ground operations in Syria, hoping for the involvement of the U.S. and other allies. The leader of
Hezbollah said Turkey and Saudi Arabia were using the Islamic State group as a "pretext" to launch a ground operation in Syria. On 17 February 2016, Erdoğan said that Turkey would continue shelling Kurdish militants across the border in Syria, despite calls from Washington and other Western capitals to halt the attacks. Opposition groups reported that over the previous few days they had brought over 2,000 reinforcements with heavy equipment from the Idlib area, through Turkey assisted by Turkish forces, to fight against Kurdish militias north of Aleppo and to support rebels in Azaz.
Pentagon Press Secretary Peter Cook said that Turkey's shelling of YPG forces in northern Syria would be an "ongoing topic of conversation" between the United States and Turkey. On 8 March, mortar shells fired from Syria in Turkey, killing two civilians and prompting the Turkish military to return fire into Syria. According to Davutoğlu, Islamic State militants were responsible for the attack. The proposal did not garner any real support from Washington or
NATO allies, who feared it would require an internationally patrolled no-fly zone and potentially put them in direct confrontation with Assad and his allies. German Chancellor
Angela Merkel said that such a safe zone would be helpful, but Russia, who held dominance over Syria's skies, opposed the idea; Russian Foreign Minister
Sergey Lavrov clarified that "this is not Merkel's initiative, this is a Turkish initiative." In addition, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Gennady Gatilov said that any decision to create a no-fly zone over Syria cannot be made without the approval of both the government in Damascus and the UN Security Council. The U.S. asked for Turkey's support for the Manbij offensive, but Turkey had two demands that were rejected, namely that the forces in the offensive should leave the
secular SDF umbrella, and that the U.S. should increase its airstrikes for jihadist groups Turkey supports.
2016–2017 military interventions against
ISIS and
SDF. On 24 August 2016, the Turkish armed forces, backed by planes from a U.S.-led coalition, began their first direct military intervention into Syria, called
Operation Euphrates Shield. After two days of artillery bombardment and airstrikes, the
Turkish Land Forces launched an attack on the ISIL-held town of
Jarabulus, followed by hundreds of FSA fighters. It was the first time Turkish warplanes have struck in Syria since November 2015, when Turkey downed a Russian warplane, and the first significant incursion by Turkish special forces since a brief operation to relocate the
tomb of Suleyman Shah in February 2015. Turkey said the operation was an act of self-defense, in response to ISIS shelling Turkish border towns and suicide bombings and attacks targeting Turkish nationals. Turkish foreign minister
Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu added that the YPG should return east of Syria's Euphrates River, since both
Manbij and Jarabulus are west of the river. The SDF managed to take the town of Amarinah from the FSA after a brief firefight. In September 2016,
U.S. Special Operations Forces embedded with the SDF to successfully deter Turkey and Turkish-backed jihadi rebels from attacking SDF forces south of the Sajur river in Manbij. Reacting to these reports, Erdoğan said on 23 September that "arming another terrorist group for fighting another terrorist group is not acceptable." Following these statements, the Turkish army shelled two YPG positions in the Tell Abyad area. On 25 September 2016, the U.S. spokesman for the
Combined Joint Task Force – Operation Inherent Resolve confirmed that the SDF, including the YPG, were part of the "vetted forces" in the
train-and-equip program and would be supplied with weapons. Erdoğan condemned this decision. On 26 September, Turkey's Deputy Prime Minister
Numan Kurtulmuş welcomed the withdrawal of some YPG units east of the Euphrates river. On 27 September, Turkey sent military units to the border area of
Akçakale, but the same day, Çavuşoğlu said that YPG units had not withdrawn from Manbij and its countryside, stating that the United States's absence suggested that they either could not influence the YPG or they chose not to. On 3 October, the Turkish government once again stated that fighters of YPG were still present west of the Euphrates and called on the U.S. to hold to its promise that they withdraw to the east of the river. The following day, Yıldırım said that Turkey could use force to expel YPG from Manbij. Due to the continuing Turkish threats, on 4 October, the SDF spokesman explicitly ruled out any Turkish participation in the
upcoming joint military operation of the SDF and the CJTF–OIR to capture
Raqqa from ISIL. Later, an Obama administration official said that their "Plan B" to retake Raqqa by arming the Kurds was adopted after the initial plan of using Turkish forces in the Raqqa offensive became unattainable. On 18 October 2016, Erdoğan said that the YPG would be removed from Manbij after ISIL was driven from
al-Bab. On 25 October, Çavuşoğlu stated that Turkey would dislodge "PYD/PKK" from Manbij if it did not leave the city, a sentiment expressed by Erdoğan the following day. On 11 November, Erdoğan stated the Turkish intervention intended to expand the area under the FSA's control to , which includes al-Bab, Manbij and Tell Rifaat, allowing Syrian refugees to return to the respective cities with help from the European Union, and he would focus on Raqqa and the PYD afterwards. On 29 November, Erdoğan said that the Turkish military launched its operations in Syria to end the rule of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Days later, Erdoğan sought to retract his statement; media observers attributed his outburst to frustration due to failure of his government's Syria policies. Acting U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs,
Elissa Slotkin, said on 16 January 2017 that the only target for the US-led coalition is ISIL, and not the city of Manbij that had been cleared from ISIL by the SDF. On 20 January 2017, the Deputy Prime Minister of Turkey, Mehmet Şimşek, said that "we can't say that Assad must go anymore. A deal without Assad isn't realistic." On 27 January 2017, after the
multilateral peace talks in Astana, Erdoğan said that "we should not go deeper than al-Bab" and Çavuşoğlu said "there are different opinions about YPG and Hezbollah. So an agreement can not be reached about the struggle against them". On 31 January, the Germany Defense Ministry ruled out giving Turkey full access to high-resolution aerial imagery gathered by Tornado fighter jets operating out of
Incirlik Air Base in southern Turkey as part of the anti-ISIL coalition, out of concern that Turkey might use it for military action against the SDF.
Potential intervention into Iraq On 1 November 2016, the day Iraqi forces entered
Mosul in the
battle against ISIL, Turkey announced it was sending tanks and artillery from Ankara to
Silopi near the Iraqi border. Turkey's Minister of Defense,
Fikri Işık, said the deployment was a move to prepare for "important developments" in the region and stated that "further action can be taken if Turkey's red lines are crossed". Iraqi Prime Minister Al-Abadi, while addressing journalists in Baghdad, warned Turkey not to invade Iraq, predicting war if they did. On 5 April 2017, Erdoğan suggested that future stages of Operation Euphrates Shield, which was recently proclaimed concluded, would be broader, and that Turkey would also seek to occupy territory of Iraq.
2018 military interventions against SDF in
Afrin Region. In January 2018, the Turkish military began an intervention in the Afrin region of Syria, code-named by Turkey as Operation Olive Branch (). The
Turkish Armed Forces announced the start of the Operation on 20 January, while the Turkish Defense Minister said it started with cross-border shelling the day before. This followed Erdoğan's parliamentary address to his ruling the
Justice and Development Party on 9 January, in which he said that Turkey will continue its military operation in Syria's
Afrin and Manbij regions. On 28 October 2018, following a summit with the heads of state of France, Germany, Russia and Turkey, Turkey started shelling targets in northern Syria. On 12 December, Erdoğan said during a televised speech that Turkey would launch a military operation against the Kurds east of the Euphrates river in northern Syria within days. He added that since the US-backed Kurdish fighters in Syria had not left the town of Manbij and, as agreed in a US-Turkish deal, that Turkey would remove them. The United States responded that such actions would be unacceptable and that "coordination and consultation between the U.S. and Turkey is the only approach to address issues of security concern in this area." Erdoğan also said that Turkey's "anti-terror" operations in northern Iraq would continue.
2019 military intervention . -controlled territory (green) and
Turkish-controlled territory (red) in October 2019 Following the January
2019 Manbij bombing, Erdoğan told Trump that Turkey was ready to take over security in the town. In October,
another Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria began, after US President Trump ordered the withdrawal of US forces. According to Erdoğan, the operation was intended to expel the SDF from the border region as well as to create a "safe zone" in Northern Syria where some of the 3.6 million
Syrian refugees in Turkey would resettle. This intention was criticized as an attempt at
ethnic cleansing, a criticism denied by the Turkish government, who said they intended to "correct" the demographics that they alleged have been changed by the SDF. The prospects for Kurdish autonomy in the region severely diminished, because the Kurds were exposed to the Turkish-led offensive by the U.S. withdrawal and the Russia-backed Syrian government forces under Assad—whose commonality is enmity towards Turkey and Sunni rebel militias—regaining their foothold in northeast Syria after the Kurds had to seek their help. In December 2019, various Kurdish factions that were historical rivals began to meet in order to work together more. Their stated reason was to stand together against Russia and Turkey if needed. Various Kurdish factions blamed each other and their council for lack of progress. Following European criticism of the
2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria, Erdoğan threatened to open the borders for migrants to Europe, and to expel foreign jihadists in its custody. In June 2020, the Syria's permanent representative to the UN accused the US and Turkey of deliberately setting fire to agrarian crops at the
Jazira Region in Syria. In March 2023, thousands protested at the town of
Jindires against the Turkish-backed armed groups controlling the area, after the killing of four Kurdish men who were celebrating
Nowruz. Jaish al-Sharqiya, a splinter group of
Ahrar al-Sharqiya, were accused for the murders of the Kurdish men.
2022 cross-border airstrikes By August 2022,
Airwars estimated that 736–1,189 civilians were killed by Turkish airstrikes in Syria and Iraq since 2015, including 146-170 children, 104-119 women, and 1,400 named victims. The Turkish military has denied that any of its strikes have resulted in civilian casualties. On 26 November 2022, SDF commander-in-chief
Mazloum Abdi stated that they halted operations against the Islamic State group due to Turkish attacks on northern Syria. He also accused Turkish strikes of causing severe damage to the region's infrastructure. Two rockets also targeted U.S.-led coalition forces at bases in the northeastern Syrian town of
Ash Shaddadi. According to SOHR, Turkish forces killed 138 Kurdish and SDF-fighters, 26 Syrian troops and 74 civilians, including 16 children. In addition, 16 Turkish troops were killed in Syria. == Turkey–ISIL conflict ==