Derek Freeman, a New Zealand anthropologist became the most prominent critic of
Coming of Age in Samoa, publishing two books attacking her findings in 1983 and 1998. Freeman had lived in Samoa from 1940 to 1943, and studied missionary records from Samoa during his doctoral training at Cambridge. In 1965, he began fieldwork in Samoa, motivated in part by skepticism of Mead's research. He criticized Mead's work in a 1968 paper to the Australian Association of Social Anthropology, arguing that Mead had mischaracterized Samoa as a sexually liberated society when in fact it was characterized by sexual repression and violence and adolescent delinquency. Completing his manuscript of
Margaret Mead and Samoa in 1977 he wrote Mead offering her to read it before publication, but Mead was by then seriously ill with cancer and was unable to respond; she died the next year. Freeman's critiques became a media spectacle with a front-page
New York Times article in January 1983, two months before his first of two books on Mead was published. On the whole, anthropologists have rejected the notion that Mead's conclusions rested on the validity of a single interview with a single person and find instead that Mead based her conclusions on the sum of her observations and interviews during her time in Samoa and that the status of the single interview did not falsify her work. Others such as Orans maintained that even though Freeman's critique was invalid, Mead's study was not sufficiently scientifically rigorous to support the conclusions she drew.
Freeman's 1983 book In 1983, five years after Mead had died, Freeman published
Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth, in which he challenged all of Mead's major findings. Freeman argued that Mead had misunderstood Samoan culture when she argued that Samoan culture did not place many restrictions on youths' sexual explorations. Freeman argued instead that Samoan culture prized female chastity and virginity and that Mead had been misled by her female Samoan informants. Freeman found that the Samoan islanders whom Mead had depicted in such utopian terms were intensely competitive and had murder and rape rates higher than those in the United States. Freeman stated that the idea that premarital sex was an expected practice in Samoa was "so preposterously at variance with the realities of Samoan life that a special explanation is called for … all the indications are that the young Margaret Mead was, as a kind of joke, deliberately misled by her adolescent informants." Freeman pointed out that virginity of the bride is so crucial to the status of Samoan men that they have a specific ritual in which the bride's
hymen is manually ruptured in public, by the groom himself or by the chief, making deception via chicken blood impossible. On this ground, Freeman argued that Mead must have based her account on (false) hearsay from non-Samoan sources. The argument hinged on the place of the
taupou system in Samoan society. According to Mead, the
taupou system is one of institutionalized virginity for young women of high rank, and it is exclusive to women of high rank. According to Freeman, all Samoan women emulated the
taupou system, and Mead's informants denied having engaged in casual sex as young women and claimed that they had lied to Mead.
Anthropological reception and reactions After an initial flurry of discussion, many anthropologists concluded that Freeman systematically misrepresented Mead's views on the relationship between nature and nurture, as well as the data on Samoan culture. According to Freeman's colleague Robin Fox, Freeman "seemed to have a special place in hell reserved for Margaret Mead, for reasons not at all clear at that time". First, these critics have speculated that he waited until Mead died before publishing his critique so that she would not be able to respond. However, in 1978, Freeman sent a revised manuscript to Mead, but she was ill and died a few months later without responding. For example, they stated that Freeman had conflated publicly articulated ideals with behavioral norms – that is, while many Samoan women would admit in public that it is ideal to remain a virgin, in practice they engaged in high levels of premarital sex and boasted about their sexual affairs among themselves. Freeman's own data documented the existence of premarital sexual activity in Samoa. In a western Samoan village, he documented that 20% of 15 year-olds, 30% of 16 year-olds, and 40% of 17 year-olds had engaged in premarital sex. They passed a motion declaring Freeman's
Margaret Mead and Samoa "poorly written, unscientific, irresponsible, and misleading". Freeman commented that "to seek to dispose of a major scientific issue by a show of hands is a striking demonstration of the way in which belief can come to dominate the thinking of scholars". and Brady, who stated "Freeman's book discovers little but tends to reinforce what many anthropologists already suspected" regarding the adequacy of Mead's ethnography. They were supported by several others.
Eleanor Leacock traveled to Samoa in 1985 and undertook research among the youth living in
urban areas. The research results indicate that the assertions of
Derek Freeman were seriously flawed. Leacock pointed out that Mead's famous Samoan fieldwork was undertaken on an outer island that had not been colonialized. Freeman, meanwhile, had undertaken fieldwork in an urban slum plagued by drug abuse, structural unemployment, and
gang violence. Lowell Holmes – who completed a lesser-publicized re-study – commented later: "Mead was better able to identify with, and therefore establish rapport with, adolescents and young adults on issues of sexuality than either I (at age 29, married with a wife and child) or Freeman, ten years my senior." Much like Mead's work, Freeman's account has been challenged as being ideologically driven to support his own theoretical viewpoint (
sociobiology and
interactionism), as well as assigning Mead a high degree of gullibility and bias. Freeman's refutation of Samoan sexual mores has been challenged, in turn, as being based on public declarations of sexual morality, virginity, and
taupou rather than on actual sexual practices within Samoan society during the period of Mead's research. In 1996, Martin Orans published his review In his 2001 obituary in
The New York Times, John Shaw stated that Freeman's thesis, though upsetting many, had by the time of his death led to a re-evaluation of Mead's work on Samoa. Recent work has nonetheless challenged Freeman's critique. A frequent criticism of Freeman is that he regularly misrepresented Mead's research and views. In a 2009 evaluation of the debate, anthropologist Paul Shankman concluded: A survey of 301 anthropology faculty in the United States in 2016 had two thirds agreeing with a statement that Mead "romanticizes the sexual freedom of Samoan adolescents" and half agreeing that it was ideologically motivated.
Freeman's 1998 book In 1998, Freeman published another book
The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead. He also claims that because of a decision to take ethnological trips to Fitiuta, only eight weeks remained for her primary research into adolescent girls, and it was now "practically impossible" to find time with the sixty-six girls she was to study, because the government school had reopened. While nurture-oriented anthropologists are more inclined to agree with Mead's conclusions, some non-anthropologists who take a nature-oriented approach follow Freeman's lead, such as Harvard psychologist
Steven Pinker, biologist
Richard Dawkins, evolutionary psychologist
David Buss, science writer
Matt Ridley, classicist
Mary Lefkowitz. In the popular press, Mead's influential role in American culture became a reason for interest in challenges to her approach. A Time magazine article published before Freeman's book was released, stated that "if Freeman is correct, Mead succeeded in swaying the minds of liberal educators and psychologists mostly by dramatic but mistaken references to primitive living." Nancy Lutkehaus argues that "Freeman's critique of Mead offered individuals like [Allan] Bloom [, author of
The Closing of the American Mind], who considered the principale of cultural relativism … to be the source of many of the nation's contemporary propblems, additional fuel for their antiliberal, antimulticulturalist arguments." The controversy was featured on the Phil Donahue Show, was the primary subject of the documentary Margaret Mead and Samoa, and of David Williamson's play
Heretic. == See also ==