Paris talks negotiated the Geneva Declaration with representatives of the
Yugoslav Committee, the
National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the Serbian opposition. Trumbić wrote to Pašić on 11 October 1918 proposing to reconvene parties to the Corfu Declaration and representatives of the in Paris in two weeks to ensure, facilitate, and expedite unification. Even though Pašić wrote back on 25 October inviting Trumbić to visit him in Paris, Pašić ignored the 11 October proposal. On 1 November, in a report to the Prince Regent, Pašić requested a message to be forwarded to Pribićević through Serbian Army liaison officer in Zagreb,
Lieutenant Colonel Dušan Simović. In the message, Pašić asked Pribićević to cooperate with him on urgent unification to defend against
Italian irredentism. In response, Pribićević provided regular information on political situation to Simović. According to Trumbić, British Foreign Secretary
Arthur Balfour was willing to recognise South Slavic population of Austria-Hungary as an allied nation on that day, but the recognition was withheld on request of French Foreign Minister
Stephen Pichon until the British and the French agreed on the matter. On 29 October, the
Supreme War Council met in
Versailles, a day after Austria-Hungary requested armistice. While the terms were discussed, the French Prime Minister
Georges Clemenceau promised Italian Prime Minister
Vittorio Emanuele Orlando no Balkan Slavic state would be recognised before the terms of the armistice were implemented. The Entente allies also declined to recognise the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs or the Serbian claim of being the central unifying force among the South Slavs like
Piedmont in
Italian unification. The Supreme War Council also decided not to recognise any formal role of Yugoslav Committee deeming South Slavic unification unrealistic until the parties demonstrate their ability to come to an agreement. Serbia added its opposition to recognition of any official role of the Yugoslav Committee.
Armistice of Villa Giusti, ending the war for Austria-Hungary was signed on 3 November. By that time, Serbian Army and the rest of the
Allied Army of the Orient reached
Sava and
Danube rivers in
Belgrade – the prewar Austro-Hungarian border. On 3 November, Lloyd George and Balfour informed the Serbian government and opposition, as well as Trumbić and Korošec through Greek Prime Minister
Eleftherios Venizelos and the secretary of the
Czechoslovak National Council Edvard Beneš that no South Slavic union would be considered unless they worked together towards that objective. Venizelos proposed to the Serbian ambassador to London, on behalf of the Entente, recognition of the Yugoslav Committee, establishment of a coalition government in Serbia involving the current opposition, and establishment of a five-strong joint war cabinet consisting of the presiding foreign minister, two ministers drawn from the Serbian government, and two members of the Yugoslav Committee. He said the war cabinet was to be tasked with conducting foreign and associated affairs, without elaborating any further. Beneš talked to Čingrija in Geneva and told him that Lloyd George, Balfour, and Clemenceau wanted a unified South Slavic position to help Orlando overcome opposition from his foreign minister
Sydney Sonnino. Beneš advised Čingrija to insist on democratic principles and avoid details and told him that Pašić would be included in the war cabinet. Beneš suggested there should be a joint ministry established consisting of eight members drawn from Serbia and as many from other lands. Such body would then represent the future union at the
upcoming peace conference. Credibility of the messages was reinforced by publication of the same position in semiofficial
Le Temps newspaper on 3 and 4 November. Pašić, Drašković and Trumbić met on 4 November in Paris prompted by the Entente pressure to come to an agreement. They discussed the suggested establishment and role of the war cabinet and drafted an agreement whereby the Serbian government would be reshuffled, the Yugoslav Committee would admit new members drawn from the National Council, and a common body would be established within the meaning of the proposal put forward by Venizelos. However, Pašić refused to sign the draft abandoning the agreement at the last moment.
Geneva talks Pašić, Serbian opposition leaders, and Trumbić moved to
Hôtel National in Geneva on 6 November where they met with the National Council delegation. The Entente powers wanted them to come to an agreement to demonstrate that a South Slavic union is possible at all. Trumbić and Korošec quickly agreed with each other – forming a joint negotiating bloc. Pašić alone represented the Serbian government. Serbian opposition leaders Drašković and Trifković were joined by
Vojislav Marinković. The National Council was represented by Čingrija and Žerjav besides Korošec. Trumbić was joined by Yugoslav Committee members
Jovan Banjanin, ,
Nikola Stojanović, and
Dušan Vasiljević. Even though Korošec asserted himself as a head of a state by asking Pašić if he agreed to have Trumbić present for the talks, Korošec recognised that he needed Trumbić as a person with far better relations with the Entente powers and the Serbian opposition. Being amid a
cabinet crisis, the Serbian opposition negotiated from a position of hostility towards Pašić who was left isolated in his views regarding the matter of composition and responsibilities of the war cabinet following suggestions of the British government published by
Le Temps. The war cabinet was acceptable to everyone involved, but opinions differed on its capacity and status. Pašić preferred it to be an ad hoc body without specifying who would be represented by the body – the future union as a whole or Serbia and the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs individually. Korošec and Trumbić advocated the latter solution, arguing that each state should delegate members on its own. Korošec saw the proposed war cabinet as a means of fulfilment of his objective of gaining recognition of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. Conversely, Pašić did not rush to an agreement because Serbia was the only internationally recognised entity involved in the unification process and he would not surrender this advantage. On the first day of the Geneva talks, Pašić proposed to delegate certain executive tasks to a joint commission to conduct foreign policy and defence until the end of the war. According to his plan, four members would be appointed by Serbia, and three by the National Council. On 7 November, Drašković proposed a modification of the Venizelos plan involving a five-member war cabinet and 17-strong government retaining the departmental divisions of the current Serbian government. It would be appointed by the Serbian Parliament on one side and the Yugoslav Committee and the National Council on the other. The new government would replace the Serbian government and the National Council in its executive role – transforming the latter to a legislative body only. Unlike the model proposed by Pašić, this meant establishment of a union by establishment of a common government. While Trumbić was reserved on the proposal fearing it allowed excessive centralisation of the union, and Pašić refused it. Later that day, Trumbić proposed establishment of a common government for common affairs – cooperating with the government of Serbia and the National Council. The government of Serbia and the National Council would remain in place with ministries of affairs kept within the competences of Serbia and the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs respectively. The common ministry would be competent for foreign affairs, military, communications and transport, common finances, navy, prisoners of war and disabled. The ministers appointed by Serbia would swear an oath to the
King of Serbia, but those appointed by the National Council would swear an oath to the council.
Acceptance and signing sent a message to
Nikola Pašić during the
Geneva conference asking him to agree with the
Yugoslav Committee. Despite insistence by the Yugoslav Committee representatives and threats by Drašković and Trifković that the Serbian opposition would join the Yugoslav Committee and work against the Serbian government, Pašić seemed determined not to compromise. This changed on 7 November when a coded message was received from Serbian embassy in Paris stating that the
President of France Raymond Poincaré wishes Pašić to come to an agreement with the representatives of the National Council. After receiving the news of Poincaré's intervention, Pašić accepted Trumbić's plan. Furthermore, on Korošec's proposal, he also accepted the request for Serbia to recognise the National Council as lawful government of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs living in the territory formerly ruled by Austria-Hungary and to ask its allies to recognise the National Council as the government, and to recognise the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs living in the territory of former Austria-Hungary as allies and the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes Volunteer Corps as their military. Thus, the issues at the centre of Pašić–Trumbić dispute were resolved, and a confederal solution was agreed upon for the future union – resembling the
dual monarchy system employed by Austria-Hungary. On insistence of Trumbić and the Serbian opposition supported by Korošec, Pašić renounced his participation in the common government. The accepted solution was meant to supersede the Corfu Declaration. At the conference,
Montenegro was invited to join the new union. Conference participants welcomed the prospect of Montenegro joining the common state and expressed fear of violence perpetrated by Serbian volunteers which were moving into Montenegro at the time. The Conference authorised Korošec, Čingrija, and Žerjav to talk to Montenegrin government minister Milo Vujović. The four met on 8 November and Vujović said it would be possible to discuss Montenegrin accession to the union in about two weeks. Pašić suddenly announced he was leaving Geneva trying to avoid signing any agreement. In response, the remaining conference participants quickly drafted a declaration containing the agreement reached for Pašić to sign. The document set the number of common ministries to twelve, and also specified that the arrangement was provisional until a constitutional assembly determines the system of government in the new union through a new constitution. One of the ministries foreseen by the final document was tasked with preparation of the constituent assembly. Six out of twelve ministers were appointed – three by Serbia and three by the National Council. The former group consisted of
Ljubomir Davidović,
Mihailo Gavrilović, and
Dragoljub Pavlović. The National Council appointed ministers were , Čingrija, and Vasiljević. The remaining ministers were to be appointed later. The declaration was signed on 9 November by all twelve conference participants. While signing the declaration, Pašić said he had reservations or doubts about it. ==Aftermath==