Dien Bien Phu was the decisive battle of the Indochina war, and the destruction of the garrison meant that roughly one-tenth of the total French Union manpower in Indochina had been lost. The battle was a serious defeat for France which weakened her position and prestige, as well as producing psychological repercussions both in the armed forces and political structure. This was apparent with the previously planned negotiations over the future of Indochina, which had begun in April. On the morning of the surrender, in Hanoi, Henri Navarre took the salute at a parade on
Victory in Europe Day. He gave out a broadcast attempting to point out the positives of the battle; that Upper Laos had been saved from invasion, the Delta has been protected from a dangerous Viet Minh offensive, the outnumbered and out-gunned garrison had fought to the bitter end, and fulfilled their mission for the pride of France. He also blamed the defeat on the Chinese communists for supplying the Viet Minh with provisions. Within a few weeks of the end of the battle, Viet Minh units withdrew from virtually the entirety of Laos. News of Dien Bien Phu's fall was announced in France several hours after the surrender, around 16:45, by Prime Minister
Joseph Laniel. The
Archbishop of Paris ordered a mass, while radio performances were cancelled and replaced by solemn music, notably
Berlioz'
Requiem. Theatres and restaurants closed and many social engagements were cancelled as a mark of respect. Public opinion in France registered shock that a guerrilla army had defeated a major European power. The fall out soon took effect on the French government, Laniel resigned in June, with the left-of-centre
Pierre Mendès France taking his place.
Disaster in the Central Highlands Following the battle there was a general lull across all fronts in Indochina. In mid June the French high command gave the order for any isolated positions to be abandoned, to avoid another disaster. The area of concern was the isolated defensive positions in the
Central Highlands at
An Khe.
Groupement Mobile No. 100 ("Group Mobile 100" or G.M. 100) which included the elite veteran
UN Bataillon de Corée was ordered to abandon the area and fall back to
Pleiku, some 50 miles away over
Route Coloniale 19. Code named
opération Églantine, GM.100, however were hit in a series of deadly ambushes at the
Battle of Mang Yang Pass, suffering heavy losses in men and vehicles by 29 June and the remnants struggled back to Pleiku. The French then needed to keep
Route Coloniale 14 between Pleiku and
Ban Mê Thuột open and withdraw the units posted there. Operation
Myosotis (Forget-Me-Not) began - 'Groupement Mobile No. 42' (GM.42) in an armoured convoy was sent to relieve the units, but were ambushed at the
Battle of Chu Dreh Pass on July 17, just four days before the armistice suffering further heavy losses and the almost complete destruction of Bataillon de Corée.
Prisoners On 8 May, the Viet Minh counted 11,721 prisoners, of whom 4,436 were wounded. This was the greatest number the Viet Minh had ever captured, amounting to one-third of the total captured during the entire war. The prisoners were divided into groups. Able-bodied soldiers were force-marched over to prison camps to the north and east, where they were intermingled with Viet Minh soldiers to discourage French bombing runs. Hundreds died of disease along the way. The wounded were given basic first aid until the
Red Cross arrived, extracted 858 prisoners, and provided better aid to the remainder. Those wounded who were not evacuated by the Red Cross were sent into detention. Only around 200 French soldiers managed to escape, going through the Viet Minh line towards Luang Prabang in Laos on the famous "Pavie Trail". Of 10,863 prisoners (including Vietnamese fighting for the French), only 3,290 were repatriated four months later; however, the losses figure may include the 3,013 prisoners of Vietnamese origin whose fate is unknown.
Casualties The French garrison was virtually wiped out, only a few men escaped to Laos. Among the 11,721 captured, 858 of the most seriously wounded were evacuated via the
Red Cross through mediation by the end of the May 1954. Only 3,290 were returned four months later, although it is believed that a small fraction of the outstanding missing troops were Vietnamese who had not yet been returned by the French, and did not necessarily die in captivity; adjusting for this, the death rate of French troops in captivity of the Viet Minh is estimated to be approximately 60%.
Max Hastings stated that "In 2018 Hanoi has still not credibly enumerated its Dien Bien Phu losses, surely a reflection of their immensity." Mark Moyar's book
Triumph Forsaken lists Viet Minh casualties as 22,900 out of an original force of 50,000.
Political ramifications The
Geneva Conference opened on 8 May 1954, the day after the surrender of the garrison. The resulting agreement in July partitioned Vietnam into two zones:
communist North Vietnam and the
State of Vietnam, which gained full independence from France on 4 June and opposed the agreement, to the south. The partition was supposed to be temporary, and the two zones were meant to be reunited through national elections in 1956, which were never held. The last French forces withdrew from Vietnam in 1956. General
Georges Catroux presided over a commission of inquiry into the defeat. The commission's final report ("Rapport concernant la conduite des opérations en Indochine sous la direction du général Navarre") concluded: The fall of Dien Bien Phu, in a strictly military perspective, represented a very serious failure but one that in the immediate, that is to say, spring of 1954, did not upset the balance of forces present in Indochina. It only assumed the aspect of a definitive defeat of our forces by reason of its profound psychological effects on French public opinion, which, tired of a war that was unpopular and seemingly without end, demanded in a way that it be ended. The event itself was in fact, both in terms of public opinion and of the military conduct of the war and operations, merely the end result of a long process of degradation of a faraway enterprise which, not having the assent of the nation, could not receive from the authorities the energetic impulse, and the size and continuity of efforts required for success. If, therefore, one wishes to establish objectively the responsibilities incurred in the final phase of the Indochina war one would have to examine its origins and evoke the acts and decisions of the various governments in power, that is to say their war policies, as well as the ways in which these policies were translated by the military commanders into operations.Outside of Indochina, the political significance of the battle was far-reaching, as news of the French defeat rapidly spread throughout the remainder of its colonies. The Algerian
National Liberation Front viewed it as an epoch-changing moment, with
Ferhat Abbas, post-colonial Algeria's first president, declaring:Dien Bien Phu was more than just a military victory. This battle is a symbol. It's the "
Valmy" of the colonized peoples. It's the affirmation of the Asian and the African vis-à-vis the European. It is the confirmation of the universality of human rights. At Dien Bien Phu, the French lost the only source of "legitimation" on which their presence turned, that is the right of the strongest [to rule the weakest].
Women fighters on the deck of the US Navy light aircraft carrier USS
Saipan (CVL-48) in the South China Sea, in 1954. The Corsairs were drawn from Marine Attack Squadron VMA-324 and flown from the
Saipan to Da Nang and delivered to the French navy. Many of the flights operated by the French Air force to evacuate casualties had female flight nurses on board. A total of 15 women served on flights to Điện Biên Phủ. One,
Geneviève de Galard, was stranded there when her plane was destroyed by shellfire while it was being repaired on the airfield. She remained on the ground providing medical services in the field hospital until the surrender. She was referred to as the "Angel of Điện Biên Phủ". Historians disagree regarding the moniker with
Martin Windrow maintaining that de Galard was referred to by name only by the garrison;
Michael Kenney and
Bernard Fall also maintained that the nickname was added by outside press agencies. The French forces came to Điện Biên Phủ accompanied by two
bordels mobiles de campagne, (mobile field brothels), served by Algerian and Vietnamese women. When the siege ended, the Viet Minh sent the surviving Vietnamese women for "re-education".
US participation Before the battle started both British and American missions visited Diên Biên Phu to complete an assessment, and then left. The fall of Diên Biên Phu was a disaster not just for France but also for the United States who, by 1954, was underwriting 80% of French expenditures in Indochina. According to the
Mutual Defense Assistance Act, the United States provided the French with material aid during the battle – aircraft (supplied by the ), weapons, mechanics, 24
CIA/
CAT pilots, and
US Air Force maintenance crews. The United States nevertheless intentionally avoided overt direct intervention. In February 1954, following the French occupation of Điện Biên Phủ, Democratic senator
Michael Mansfield asked the
United States Defense Secretary,
Charles Erwin Wilson, whether the United States would send naval or air units if the French were subjected to greater pressure there, but Wilson replied that "for the moment there is no justification for raising United States aid above its present level". On 31 March, following the fall of
Beatrice,
Gabrielle, and
Anne-Marie, a panel of US Senators and Representatives questioned the US
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral
Arthur W. Radford, about the possibility of US involvement. Radford concluded it was too late for the US Air Force which had the potential to use its
Philippines-based
B-29s against the Viet Minh heavy artillery. A proposal for direct intervention was unanimously voted down by the committee three days later, which "concluded that intervention was a positive
casus belli (act of war)". Both Eisenhower and the Secretary of State
John Foster Dulles then pressed the British and other allies in a joint military operation. Prime Minister
Winston Churchill and Foreign Secretary
Anthony Eden refused, but agreed on a collective security arrangement for the region which could be agreed at the Geneva conference. For the Americans, in particular Dulles, this was not enough. Britain, already for some years involved in the
Malayan Emergency, was concerned at the American alarmism in the region, but was unaware of the scale of US financial aid and covert involvement in the Indochina war. There were already suggestions at the time, notably from French author
Jules Roy, that Admiral Radford had discussed with the French the possibility of using
tactical nuclear weapons in support of the French garrison. Moreover, Dulles reportedly mentioned the possibility of lending atomic bombs to the French for use at Điện Biên Phủ in April, Dulles tried to put more pressure on the British, and asked Eden for British support for American air action to save Diên Biên Phu. Eden refused, which enraged Dulles; however, Eisenhower relented. The President felt that, along with the political risks, airstrikes alone would not decide the battle, and did not want to escalate US involvement by using American pilots. "Nobody is more opposed to intervention than I am". The United States did covertly participate in the battle. Following a request for help from Navarre, Radford provided two squadrons of
B-26 Invader bomber aircraft and crew personnel to support the French. However not the Pentagon but the CIA under the leadership of Secretary Dulles' brother
Allen Dulles managed the operation. Following this, 39 American transport pilots, officially employed by CAT, a CIA owned company, flew 682 sorties over the course of the battle. Earlier, in order to succeed the pre-Điện Biên Phủ
Operation Castor of November 1953, General
Chester McCarty made available twelve additional
C-119 Flying Boxcars flown by French crews. Two of the American pilots,
James B. McGovern Jr. and Wallace Buford, were killed in action during the siege of Điện Biên Phủ. and not officially acknowledged until the 21st century. A generation later the U.S. historian Erik Kirsinger researched the case for more than a year. Dulles, on hearing of the news of the fall of the garrison, was furious, placing heavy blame on Eden for his "inaction". Eden, however, doubted that intervention could have saved Diên Biên Phu, and felt "it might have far reaching consequences". Dien Bien Phu—or DBP—has become an acronym or shorthand symbol for defeat of the West by the East, for the triumph of primitive new doctrines and techniques of peoples' war over the sophisticated principles and maxims of the heritage of Napoleon Bonaparte. Dien Bien Phu resulted in severe political consequences. ==Legacy==