Background Early contact The Japanese had been trading for Chinese products in Taiwan (formerly known as ) since before the
Dutch arrived in 1624. In 1593,
Toyotomi Hideyoshi planned to incorporate Taiwan into his empire and sent an envoy with a letter demanding tribute. The letter was never delivered since there was no authority to receive it. In 1609, the
Tokugawa shogunate sent
Harunobu Arima on an exploratory mission of the island. In 1609 and 1615,
Tokugawa Ieyasu sent expeditions to attack
Penghu and Taiwan. General Shen of Wuyu was sent to
Keelung against the Japanese invaders and sunk one of their ships, forcing them to retreat. In 1616,
Nagasaki official
Murayama Tōan sent 13 vessels to conquer Taiwan. The fleet was dispersed by a typhoon and the one junk that reached Taiwan was ambushed by headhunters, after which the expedition left and raided the Chinese coast instead. In 1625, the senior leadership of the Dutch
United East India Company (, VOC) in
Batavia (modern
Jakarta) ordered the
governor of the
Dutch colony on Taiwan (known to the Dutch as Formosa) to prevent the Japanese from trading on the island. The Chinese silk merchants refused to sell to the company because the Japanese paid more. The Dutch also restricted Japanese trade with the Ming dynasty. In response, the Japanese took on board 16 inhabitants from the aboriginal village of Sinkan and returned to Japan. Suetsugu Heizō Masanao housed the Sinkanders in Nagasaki. The Company sent a man named
Peter Nuyts to Japan where he learned about the Sinkanders. The shogun declined to meet the Dutch and gave the Sinkanders gifts. Nuyts arrived in Taiwan before the Sinkanders and refused to allow them to land before the Sinkanders were jailed and their gifts confiscated. The Japanese took Nuyts hostage and only released him in return for their safe passage back to Japan with 200 picols of silk as well as the Sinkanders' freedom and the return of their gifts. The Dutch blamed the Chinese for instigating the Sinkanders. The Dutch dispatched a ship to repair relations with Japan, but it was seized and its crew imprisoned upon arrival. The loss of the Japanese trade made the Taiwanese colony far less profitable and the authorities in Batavia considered abandoning it before the Dutch Council of Formosa urged them to keep it unless they wanted the Portuguese and Spanish to take over. In June 1630, Suetsugu died and his son, Masafusa, allowed the company officials to reestablish communication with the shogun. Nuyts was sent to Japan as a prisoner and remained there until 1636 when he returned to the Netherlands. After 1635, the shogun forbade Japanese from going abroad and eliminated the Japanese threat to the company. The VOC expanded into previous Japanese markets in Southeast Asia. In 1639, the shogun ended all contact with the Portuguese, the company's major silver trade competitor. The
Kingdom of Tungning's merchant fleets continued to operate between Japan and Southeast Asian countries, reaping profits as a center of trade. They extracted a tax from traders for safe passage through the Taiwan Strait. Zheng Taiwan held a monopoly on certain commodities such as deer skin and sugarcane, which sold at a high price in Japan.
Mudan incident In December 1871, a
Ryukyuan vessel shipwrecked on the southeastern tip of Taiwan and 54 sailors were killed by aborigines. The survivors encountered aboriginal men, presumably Paiwanese, who they followed to a small settlement, Kuskus, where they were given food and water. They claim they were robbed by their Kuskus hosts during the night and in the morning they were ordered to stay put while hunters left to search for game to provide a feast. The Ryukyuans departed while the hunting party was away and found shelter in the home of a trading-post serviceman, Deng Tianbao. The Paiwanese men found the Ryukyuans and slaughtered them. Nine Ryukyuans hid in Deng's home. They moved to another settlement where they found refuge with Deng's son-in-law, Yang Youwang. Yang arranged for the ransom of three men and sheltered the survivors before sending them to Taiwan Prefecture (modern Tainan). The Ryukyuans headed home in July 1872. The shipwreck and murder of the sailors came to be known as the
Mudan incident, although it did not take place in Mudan (J. Botan), but at Kuskus (Gaoshifo). The Mudan incident did not immediately cause any concern in Japan. A few officials knew of it by mid-1872 but it was not until April 1874 that it became an international concern. The repatriation procedure in 1872 was by the books and had been a regular affair for several centuries. From the 17th to 19th centuries, the Qing had settled 401 Ryukyuan shipwreck incidents both on the coast of mainland China and Taiwan. The
Ryukyu Kingdom did not ask Japanese officials for help regarding the shipwreck. Instead its king,
Shō Tai, sent a reward to Chinese officials in Fuzhou for the return of the 12 survivors.
Crafting a pretext based on the Mudan incident The United States saw Japan as an ally in the U.S.'s quest to control the Pacific. Japan was embarking on Western ways and developing a military in the wake of the forced "opening of Japan" by the United States that had begun with the
Perry Expedition. In Autumn 1872, U.S. minister to Japan
Charles DeLong explained to U.S. General
Charles Le Gendre that he had been urging the Government of Japan to occupy Taiwan and "civilize" the
Taiwanese indigenous people just as the U.S. had taken over the land of the
Native Americans and "civilized" them. General Le Gendre encouraged the Japanese to declare a Japanese sphere of Pacific influence modeled on the
Monroe Doctrine that the U.S. had declared for the exclusion of other powers from the
Western Hemisphere. Such a Japanese sphere of influence would be the first time a non-White state would adopt such a policy. The stated aim of the sphere of influence would be to civilize the barbarians of Asia. "
Pacify and civilize them if possible, and if not... exterminate them or otherwise deal with them as the United States and England have dealt with the barbarians," Le Gendre explained to the Japanese. Le Gendre encouraged the Japanese government to keep the plans for military invasion top secret while advertising to Western audiences Japan's civilizing mission. Le Gendre developed a legal rationale for Japanese invasion of Taiwan based on the Mudan incident: The Taiwanese must be disciplined because of the murder of the Okinawans in the Mudan incident. This would also have the benefit of confirming Japan as the guardian of the Okinawan people. Thus the justification for Japan's conquest of Taiwan under Western notions of the law of nations at the time entailed two steps: pursuant to Le Gendre's counsel, the Japanese government issued an edict abolishing the kingdom of Okinawa and took control of its foreign and security policy, and Japan asserted its right to take possession of Taiwan.
Japanese invasion (1874) The Imperial Japanese Army started urging the government to
invade Taiwan in 1872. The king of Ryukyu was
dethroned by Japan and preparations for an invasion of Taiwan were undertaken in the same year. Japan blamed the Qing for not ruling Taiwan properly and claimed that the perpetrators of the
Mudan incident were "all Taiwan savages beyond Chinese education and law." Therefore, Japan reasoned that the Taiwanese aboriginal people were outside the borders of China and Qing China consented to Japan's invasion. Japan sent Kurooka Yunojo as a spy to survey eastern Taiwan. In October 1872, Japan sought compensation from the Qing dynasty of China, claiming the Kingdom of
Ryūkyū was part of Japan. In May 1873, Japanese diplomats arrived in Beijing and put forward their claims; however, the Qing government immediately rejected Japanese demands on the ground that the Kingdom of
Ryūkyū at that time was an independent state and had nothing to do with Japan. The Japanese refused to leave and asked if the Chinese government would punish those "barbarians in Taiwan". The Qing authorities explained that there were two kinds of aborigines in Taiwan: those directly governed by the Qing, and those unnaturalized "raw barbarians... beyond the reach of Chinese culture. Thus could not be directly regulated." They indirectly hinted that foreigners traveling in those areas settled by indigenous people must exercise caution. The Qing dynasty made it clear to the Japanese that Taiwan was definitely within Qing jurisdiction, even though part of that island's aboriginal population was not yet under the influence of Chinese culture. The Qing also pointed to similar cases all over the world where an aboriginal population within a national boundary was not under the influence of the dominant culture of that country. Japan announced that they were attacking aboriginals in Taiwan on 3 May 1874. In early May, Japanese advance forces established camp at Langqiao Bay. On 17 May,
Saigō Jūdō led the main force, 3,600 strong, aboard four warships in Nagasaki to Tainan. A small scouting party was ambushed and the Japanese camp sent 250 reinforcements to search the villages. The next day, Samata Sakuma encountered Mudan fighters, around 70 strong, occupying a commanding height. A twenty-men party climbed the cliffs and shot at the Mudan people, forcing them to flee. On 6 June, the Japanese emperor issued a certificate condemning the Taiwan "savages" for killing our "nationals", the Ryukyuans killed in southeastern Taiwan. The Japanese army split into three forces and headed in different directions to burn the aboriginal villages. On 3 June, they burnt all the villages that had been occupied. On 1 July, the new leader of the Mudan tribe and the chief of Kuskus surrendered. The Japanese settled in and established large camps with no intention of withdrawing, but in August and September 600 soldiers fell ill. The death toll rose to 561. Negotiations with Qing China began on 10 September. The Western Powers pressured China not to cause bloodshed with Japan as it would negatively impact the coastal trade. The resulting Peking Agreement was signed on 30 October. Japan gained the recognition of Ryukyu as its vassal and an indemnity payment of 500,000 taels. Japanese troops withdrew from Taiwan on 3 December.
Sino-Japanese War The
First Sino-Japanese War broke out between
Qing dynasty China and Japan in 1894 following a dispute over the sovereignty of
Korea. The acquisition of Taiwan by Japan was the result of Prime Minister
Itō Hirobumi's "southern strategy" adopted during the
First Sino-Japanese War in 1894–95 and the following diplomacy in the spring of 1895. Prime Minister Hirobumi's southern strategy, supportive of Japanese navy designs, paved the way for the occupation of
Penghu Islands in late March as a prelude to the takeover of Taiwan. Soon after, while peace negotiations continued, Hirobumi and
Mutsu Munemitsu, his minister of foreign affairs, stipulated that both Taiwan and
Penghu were to be ceded by imperial China.
Li Hongzhang, China's chief diplomat, was forced to accede to these conditions as well as to other Japanese demands, and the
Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed on 17 April, then duly ratified by the Qing court on 8 May. The formal transfer of Taiwan and Penghu took place on a ship off the
Keelung coast on 2 June. This formality was conducted by Li's adopted son, Li Ching-fang, and Admiral
Kabayama Sukenori, a staunch advocate of annexation, whom Itō had appointed as governor-general of Taiwan. The annexation of Taiwan was also based on considerations of productivity and ability to provide raw materials for Japan's expanding economy and to become a ready market for Japanese goods. Taiwan's strategic location was deemed advantageous as well. As envisioned by the navy, the island would form a southern bastion of defense from which to safeguard southernmost China and southeastern Asia. The period of Japanese rule in Taiwan has been divided into three periods under which different policies were prevalent: military suppression (1895–1915), : assimilation (1915–37), and : Japanization (1937–45). A separate policy for aborigines was implemented.
Armed resistance As Taiwan was ceded by a treaty, the period that followed is referred to by some as its colonial era. Others who focus on the decades as a culmination of preceding war refer to it as the occupation period. The loss of Taiwan would become an
irredentist rallying point for the
Chinese nationalist movement in the years that followed. The cession ceremony took place on board a Japanese vessel because the Chinese delegate feared reprisal from local residents. Japanese authorities encountered violent opposition in much of Taiwan. Five months of sustained warfare occurred after the
invasion of Taiwan in 1895 and partisan attacks continued until 1902. For the first two years, colonial authority relied mainly on military action and local pacification efforts. Disorder and panic were prevalent in Taiwan after Penghu was seized by Japan in March 1895. On 20 May, Qing officials were ordered to leave their posts. General mayhem and destruction ensued in the following months. Japanese forces landed on the coast of
Keelung on 29 May and
Tamsui's harbor was bombarded. Remnant Qing units and
Guangdong irregulars briefly fought against Japanese forces in the north. After the fall of
Taipei on 7 June, local militia and partisan bands
continued the resistance. In the south, a small
Black Flag force led by
Liu Yongfu delayed Japanese landings. Governor
Tang Jingsong attempted to carry out anti-Japanese resistance efforts as the
Republic of Formosa, however he still professed to be a Qing loyalist. The declaration of a republic was, according to Tang, to delay the Japanese so that Western powers might be compelled to defend Taiwan. The plan quickly turned to chaos as the
Green Standard Army and
Yue soldiers from
Guangxi took to looting and pillaging Taiwan. Given the choice between chaos at the hands of bandits or submission to the Japanese, Taipei's gentry elite sent
Koo Hsien-jung to Keelung to invite the advancing Japanese forces to proceed to Taipei and restore order. The Republic, established on 25 May, disappeared 12 days later when its leaders left for the mainland. Liu Yongfu formed a temporary government in
Tainan but escaped to the mainland as well as Japanese forces closed in. Between 200,000 and 300,000 people fled Taiwan in 1895. Chinese residents in Taiwan were given the option of selling their property and leaving by May 1897, or become Japanese citizens. From 1895 to 1897, an estimated 6,400 people, mostly gentry elites, sold their property and left Taiwan. The vast majority did not have the means or will to leave. Upon Tainan's surrender, Kabayama declared Taiwan pacified, however his proclamation was premature. In December, a series of anti-Japanese uprisings occurred in northern Taiwan, and would continue to occur at a rate of roughly one per month.
Armed resistance by
Hakka villagers broke out in the south. A series of prolonged partisan attacks, led by "local bandits" or "rebels", lasted throughout the next seven years. After 1897, uprisings by Chinese nationalists were commonplace. , a member of the
Tongmenghui organization preceding the
Kuomintang, was arrested and executed along with two hundred of his comrades in 1913. Japanese reprisals were often more brutal than the guerrilla attacks staged by the rebels. In June 1896, 6,000 Taiwanese were slaughtered in the Yunlin Massacre. From 1898 to 1902, some 12,000 "bandit-rebels" were killed in addition to the 6,000–14,000 killed in the initial resistance war of 1895. During the conflict, 5,300 Japanese were killed or wounded, and 27,000 were hospitalized. Rebellions were often caused by a combination of unequal colonial policies on local elites and extant
millenarian beliefs of the local Taiwanese and plains indigenous. Ideologies of resistance drew on different ideals such as
Taishō democracy,
Chinese nationalism, and nascent Taiwanese self-determination. Support for resistance was partly class-based and many of the wealthy Han people in Taiwan preferred the order of colonial rule to the lawlessness of insurrection. "The cession of the island to Japan was received with such disfavour by the Chinese inhabitants that a large military force was required to effect its occupation. For nearly two years afterwards, a bitter guerrilla resistance was offered to the Japanese troops, and large forces – over 100,000 men, it was stated at the time – were required for its suppression. This was not accomplished without much cruelty on the part of the conquerors, who, in their march through the island, perpetrated all the worst excesses of war. They had, undoubtedly, considerable provocation. They were constantly attacked by ambushed enemies, and their losses from battle and disease far exceeded the entire loss of the whole Japanese army throughout the Manchurian campaign. But their revenge was often taken on innocent villagers. Men, women, and children were ruthlessly slaughtered or became the victims of unrestrained lust and rapine. The result was to drive from their homes thousands of industrious and peaceful peasants, who, long after the main resistance had been completely crushed, continued to wage a vendetta war, and to generate feelings of hatred which the succeeding years of conciliation and good government have not wholly eradicated." –
The Cambridge Modern History, Volume 12 ) Major armed resistance was largely crushed by 1902 but minor rebellions started occurring again in 1907, such as the
Beipu uprising by Hakka and
Saisiyat people in 1907, Luo Fuxing in 1913 and the
Tapani Incident of 1915. The Beipu uprising occurred on 14 November 1907 when a group of Hakka insurgents killed 57 Japanese officers and members of their family. In the following reprisal, 100 Hakka men and boys were killed in the village of Neidaping. Luo Fuxing was an overseas Taiwanese Hakka involved with the Tongmenghui. He planned to organize a rebellion against the Japanese with 500 fighters, resulting in the execution of more than 1,000 Taiwanese by Japanese police. Luo was killed on 3 March 1914. In 1915, Yu Qingfang organized a religious group that openly challenged Japanese authority. Indigenous and Han forces led by
Chiang Ting and Yu stormed multiple Japanese police stations. In what is known as the Tapani incident, 1,413 members of Yu's religious group were captured. Yu and 200 of his followers were executed. After the Tapani rebels were defeated, Governor-General
Andō Teibi ordered Tainan's Second Garrison to retaliate through massacre. Military police in
Tapani and
Jiasian announced that they would pardon any anti-Japanese militants and that those who had fled into the mountains should return to their village. Once they returned, the villagers were told to line up in a field, dig holes, and were then executed by firearm. According to oral tradition, at least 5,000–6,000 people died in this incident.
Non-violent resistance Nonviolent means of resistance such as the
Taiwanese Cultural Association (TCA), founded by
Chiang Wei-shui in 1921, continued to exist after most violent means were exhausted. Chiang was born in
Yilan in 1891 and was raised on a Confucian education paid by a father who identified as a Han Chinese. In 1905, Chiang started attending Japanese elementary school. At the age of 20, he was admitted to Taiwan Sotokufu Medical School and in his first year of college, Chiang joined the Taiwan Branch of the "Chinese United Alliance" founded by
Sun Yat-sen. The TCA's anthem, composed by Chiang, promoted friendship between China and Japan, Han and Japanese, and peace between Asians and white people. He saw Taiwanese people as Japanese nationals of Han Chinese ethnicity and wished to position the TCA as an intermediary between China and Japan. The TCA also aimed to "adopt a stance of national self-determination, enacting the enlightenment of the Islanders, and seeking legal extension of civil rights." He told the Japanese authorities that the TCA was not a political movement and would not engage in politics. Statements aspiring to self determination and Taiwan belonging to the Taiwanese were possible at the time due to the relatively progressive era of
Taishō Democracy. At the time most Taiwanese intellectuals did not wish for Taiwan to be an extension of Japan. "Taiwan is Taiwan people's Taiwan" became a common position for all anti-Japanese groups for the next decade. In December 1920, Lin Hsien-tang and 178 Taiwanese residents filed a petition to Tokyo seeking self-determination. It was rejected. Taiwanese intellectuals, led by
New People Society,
started a movement to petition to the Japanese Diet to establish a self-governing parliament in Taiwan, and to reform the government-general. The Japanese government attempted to dissuade the population from supporting the movement, first by offering the participants membership in an advisory Consulative Council, then ordered the local governments and public schools to dismiss locals suspected of supporting the movement. The movement lasted 13 years. Although unsuccessful, the movement prompted the Japanese government to introduce local assemblies in 1935. Taiwan also had seats in
House of Peers. The TCA had over 1,000 members composed of intellectuals, landlords, public school graduates, medical practitioners, and the gentry class. TCA branches were established across Taiwan except in indigenous areas. They gave cultural lecture tours and taught Classical Chinese as well as other more modern subjects. The TCA sought to promote vernacular Chinese language. Cultural Lecture Tours were treated as a festivity, using firecrackers traditionally used to ward off evil as a challenge against Japanese authority. If any criticism of Japan was heard, the police immediately ordered the speaker to step down. In 1923 the TCA co-founded '''' which was published in Tokyo and then shipped to Taiwan. It was subjected to severe censorship by Japanese authorities. As many as seven or eight issues were banned. Chiang and others applied to set up an "Alliance to Urge for a Taiwan Parliament." It was deemed legal in Tokyo but illegal in Taiwan. In 1923, 99 Alliance members were arrested and 18 were tried in court. Chiang was forced to defend against the charge of "asserting 'Taiwan has 3.6 million
Zhonghua Minzu/Han People' in petition leaflets." Thirteen were convicted: 6 fined, 7 imprisoned (including Chiang). Chiang was imprisoned more than ten times. was covered by the party's original flag after his death. The TCA split in 1927 to form the New TCA and the
Taiwanese People's Party. The TCA had been influenced by communist ideals resulting in Chiang and Lin's departure to form the Taiwan People's Party (TPP). The New TCA later became a subsidiary of the
Taiwanese Communist Party, founded in
Shanghai in 1928, and the only organization advocating for Taiwan's independence. The TPP's flag was designed by Chiang and drew on the
Republic of China's flag for inspiration. In February 1931, the TPP was banned by the Japanese colonial government. The TCA was also banned in the same year. Chiang died from typhoid on 23 August. However, right-leaning members such as
Lin Hsien-tang, who were more cooperative with the Japanese, formed the Taiwanese Alliance for Home Rule, and the organization survived until WW2.
Assimilation movement The "early years" of Japanese administration on Taiwan typically refers to the period between the Japanese forces' first landing in May 1895 and the
Tapani Incident of 1915, which marked the high point of armed resistance. During this period, popular resistance to Japanese rule was high, and the world questioned whether a non-Western nation such as Japan could effectively govern a colony of its own. An 1897 session of the
Japanese Diet debated whether to sell Taiwan to France. In 1898, the
Meiji government of Japan appointed Count
Kodama Gentarō as the fourth Governor-General, with the talented civilian politician
Gotō Shinpei as his Chief of Home Affairs, establishing the
carrot and stick approach towards governance that would continue for several years. Under Gotō, police stations were established in every part of the island. Rural police stations took on extra duties with those in the aboriginal regions operating schools known as "savage children's educational institutes" to assimilate aboriginal children into Japanese culture. The local police station also controlled the rifles which aboriginal men relied upon for hunting as well as operated small barter stations which created small captive economies. Some Taiwanese elites formed the
Taiwan Cultural Association to advocate for self-determination policies.
Policies for indigenous peoples Status The Japanese administration followed the Qing classification of
indigenous into acculturated (
shufan), semi-acculturated (
huafan), and non-acculturated aborigines (
shengfan). Acculturated indigenous were treated the same as Chinese people and lost their aboriginal status. Han Chinese and
shufan were both treated as natives of Taiwan by the Japanese. Below them were the semi-acculturated and non-acculturated "barbarians" who lived outside normal administrative units and upon whom government laws did not apply. According to the
Sōtokufu (Office of the Governor-General), although the mountain aborigines were technically humans in biological and social terms, they were animals under international law.
Land rights The
Sōtokufu claimed all unreclaimed and forest land in Taiwan as government property. New use of forest land was forbidden. In October 1895, the government declared that these areas belonged to the government unless claimants could provide hard documentation or evidence of ownership. No investigation into the validity of titles or survey of land were conducted until 1911. The Japanese authority denied the rights of indigenous to their property, land, and anything on the land. Although the Japanese government did not control indigenous land directly prior to military occupation, the Han and acculturated indigenous were forbidden from any contractual relationships with indigenous. The indigenous were living on government land but did not submit to government authority, and as they did not have political organization, they could not enjoy property ownership. The acculturated indigenous also lost their rent holder rights under the new property laws, although they were able to sell them. Some reportedly welcomed the sale of rent rights because they had difficulty collecting rent. In practice, the early years of Japanese rule were spent fighting mostly Chinese insurgents and the government took on a more conciliatory approach to the indigenous. Starting in 1903, the government implemented stricter and more coercive policies. It expanded the guard lines, previously the settler-aboriginal boundary, to restrict the indigenous' living space. By 1904 the guard lines had increased by 80 km from the end of Qing rule. Sakuma Samata launched a five-year plan for aboriginal management, which saw attacks against the indigenous and landmines and electrified fences used to force them into submission. Electrified fences were no longer necessary by 1924 due to the overwhelming government advantage. After Japan subjugated the mountain indigenous, a small portion of land was set aside for indigenous use. From 1919 to 1934, indigenous were relocated to areas that would not impede forest development. At first, they were given a small compensation for land use, but this was discontinued later on, and the indigenous were forced to relinquish all claims to their land. In 1928, it was decided that each indigenous would be allotted three hectares of reserve land. Some of the allotted land was taken for forest enterprise when it was discovered that the indigenous population was bigger than the estimated 80,000. The size of the allotted land was reduced but allotments were not adhered to anyway. In 1930, the government relocated indigenous to the foothills and invested in agricultural infrastructure to turn them into subsistence farmers. They were given less than half the originally promised land, amounting to one-eighth of their ancestral lands.
Indigenous peoples resistance Indigenous resistance to the heavy-handed Japanese policies of acculturation and pacification lasted up until the early 1930s. By 1903, indigenous rebellions had resulted in the deaths of 1,900 Japanese in 1,132 incidents. In 1911 a large military force invaded Taiwan's mountainous areas to gain access to timber resources. By 1915, many indigenous villages had been destroyed. The
Atayal and
Bunun resisted the hardest against colonization. The Bunun and Atayal were described as the "most ferocious" indigenous peoples, and police stations were targeted by indigenous in intermittent assaults. The Bunun under Chief engaged in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese for twenty years. Raho Ari's revolt, called the was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control policy in 1914 against the indigenous peoples in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when hunting expeditions were over. The revolt began at Taifun when a police platoon was slaughtered by Raho Ari's clan in 1915. A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his followers near the source of the
Rōnō River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause. Raho Ari and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police stations as they pleased. As a result, head hunting and assaults on police stations by indigenous still continued after that year. In one of Taiwan's southern towns nearly 5,000 to 6,000 were slaughtered by Japanese in 1915. As resistance to the long-term oppression by the Japanese government, many
Taivoan people from
Kōsen led the first local rebellion against Japan in July 1915, called the
Jiasian Incident (
Japanese: 甲仙埔事件,
Hepburn:
Kōsenpo jiken). This was followed by a wider rebellion from
Tamai in
Tainan to Kōsen in
Takao in August 1915, known as the
Seirai-an Incident (
Japanese: 西来庵事件,
Hepburn:
Seirai-an jiken) in which more than 1,400 local people died or were killed by the Japanese government. Twenty-two years later, the Taivoan people struggled to carry on another rebellion; since most of the indigenous people were from
Kobayashi, the resistance taking place in 1937 was named the Kobayashi Incident (
Japanese: 小林事件,
Hepburn:
Kobayashi jiken). Between 1921 and 1929 indigenous raids died down, but a major revival and surge in indigenous armed resistance erupted from 1930 to 1933 for four years during which the
Musha incident occurred and Bunun carried out raids, after which armed conflict again died down. The 1930 "New Flora and Silva, Volume 2" said of the mountain indigenous that "the majority of them live in a state of war against Japanese authority". The last major indigenous rebellion, the Musha Incident, occurred on 27 October 1930 when the
Seediq people, angry over their treatment while laboring in
camphor extraction, launched the last headhunting party. Groups of Seediq warriors led by
Mona Rudao attacked policed stations and the Musha Public School. Approximately 350 students, 134 Japanese, and 2 Han Chinese dressed in Japanese garbs were killed in the attack. The uprising was crushed by 2,000–3,000 Japanese troops and indigenous auxiliaries with the help of
poison gas. The armed conflict ended in December when the Seediq leaders committed suicide. According to Japanese colonial records, 564 Seediq warriors surrendered and 644 were killed or committed suicide. The incident caused the government to take a more conciliatory stance towards the indigenous, and during
World War 2, the government tried to assimilate them as loyal subjects. According to a 1933-year book, wounded people in the war against the indigenous numbered around 4,160, with 4,422 civilians dead and 2,660 military personnel killed. According to a 1935 report, 7,081 Japanese were killed in the armed struggle from 1896 to 1933 while the Japanese confiscated 29,772 Aboriginal guns by 1933. Throughout the Japanese colonial period, imperial authorities attempted to pacify indigenous chiefs by taking them on sightseeing trips in Japan, believing that seeing Japan's grandeur would stun indigenous leaders into submission. Later, these trips would be replaced with visits to Taipei and other cities within Taiwan in the name of cost effectiveness.
Japanization in the 1930s (illustrated by
Ishikawa Kin'ichiro) who lived in Taiwan in 1921 visited
Taiwan Governor Museum. As Japan embarked on
full-scale war with China in 1937, it implemented the "
kōminka" imperial Japanization project to instill the "Japanese Spirit" in Taiwanese residents, and ensure the Taiwanese would remain imperial subjects (
kōmin) of the Japanese Emperor rather than support a Chinese victory. The goal was to make sure the Taiwanese people did not develop a sense of "their national identity, pride, culture, language, religion, and customs". To this end, the cooperation of the Taiwanese would be essential, and the Taiwanese would have to be fully assimilated as members of Japanese society. As a result, earlier social movements were banned and the Colonial Government devoted its full efforts to the , aimed at fully Japanizing Taiwanese society.
World War II (right) with his brother during the war as a conscript in Japanese uniforms. Lee's brother died as a Japanese soldier in the Philippines.
War As Japan embarked on
full-scale war with China in 1937, it expanded Taiwan's industrial capacity to manufacture war material. By 1939, industrial production had exceeded agricultural production in Taiwan. The
Imperial Japanese Navy operated heavily out of Taiwan. The "
South Strike Group" was based out of the
Taihoku Imperial University (now National Taiwan University) in Taiwan. Taiwan was used as a launchpad for the invasion of Guangdong in late 1938 and for the occupation of
Hainan in February 1939. A joint planning and logistical center was established in Taiwan to assist Japan's southward advance after the
bombing of Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941. Taiwan served as a base for Japanese naval and air attacks on the island
Luzon until the surrender of the
Philippines in May 1942. It also served as a rear staging ground for further attacks on
Myanmar. As the war turned against Japan in 1943, Taiwan suffered due to Allied submarine attacks on Japanese shipping, and the Japanese administration prepared to be cut off from Japan. In the latter part of 1944, Taiwan's industries, ports, and military facilities were bombed in U.S. air raids. By the end of the war in 1945, industrial and agricultural output had dropped far below prewar levels, with agricultural output 49% of 1937 levels and industrial output down by 33%. Coal production dropped from 200,000 metric tons to 15,000 metric tons. An estimated 16,000–30,000 civilians died from the bombing. By 1945, Taiwan was isolated from Japan and its government prepared to defend against an expected invasion. During WWII, the Japanese authorities maintained
prisoner of war camps in Taiwan. Allied prisoners of war (POW) were used as
forced labor in camps throughout Taiwan with the camp serving the copper mines at
Kinkaseki being especially heinous. Of the 430 Allied POW deaths across all fourteen Japanese POW camps on Taiwan, the majority occurred at Kinkaseki.
Military service Starting in July 1937, Taiwanese began to play a
role on the battlefield, initially in noncombatant positions. Taiwanese people were not recruited for combat until late in the war. In 1942, the Special Volunteer System was implemented, allowing even aborigines to be recruited as part of the
Takasago Volunteers. From 1937 to 1945, over 207,000 Taiwanese were employed by the Japanese military. Roughly 50,000 went missing in action or died, another 2,000 were disabled, 21 were executed for war crimes, and 147 were sentenced to imprisonment for two or three years. Some Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers claim they were coerced and did not choose to join the army. Accounts range from having no way to refuse recruitment, to being incentivized by the salary, to being told that the "nation and emperor needed us." In one account, a man named Chen Chunqing said he was motivated by his desire to fight the British and Americans but became disillusioned after being sent to China and tried to defect, although the effort was fruitless. Racial discrimination was commonplace despite rare occasions of camaraderie. Some experienced greater equality during their time in the military. One Taiwanese serviceman recalled being called "chankoro" (Qing slave) by a Japanese soldier. Some of the Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers were ambivalent about Japan's defeat and could not imagine what liberation from Japan would look like. One person recalled surrender leaflets dropped by U.S. planes stating that Taiwan would return to China and recalling that his grandfather had once told him that he was Chinese. After Japan's surrender, the Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers were abandoned by Japan and no transportation back to Taiwan or Japan was provided. Many of them faced difficulties in mainland China, Taiwan, and Japan due to anti-rightist and anti-communist campaigns in addition to accusations of taking part in the
February 28 incident. In Japan they were faced with ambivalence. An organization of Taiwanese ex-Japanese soldiers tried to get the Japanese government to pay their unpaid wages several decades later. They failed.
Comfort women Between 1,000 and 2,000 Taiwanese women were part of the
comfort women system. Indigenous women served Japanese military personnel in the mountainous region of Taiwan. They were first recruited as housecleaning and laundry workers for soldiers, then they were coerced into providing sex. They were gang-raped and served as comfort women in the evening hours. Han Taiwanese women from low income families were also part of the comfort women system. Some were pressured into it by financial reasons while others were sold by their families. However some women from well to do families also ended up as comfort women. By 1940, brothels were set up in Taiwan to service Japanese males.
End of Japanese rule (on the right) and signed an receipt of an order of the surrender of Japan (署部字第一號命令) in old Taihoku City Hall. In 1942, after the United States entered the war against Japan and on the side of China, the Chinese government under the
KMT renounced all treaties signed with Japan before that date and made Taiwan's return to China (as with
Manchuria, ruled as the Japanese
wartime puppet state of "
Manchukuo") one of the wartime objectives. In the
Cairo Declaration of 1943, the
Allied Powers declared the return of
Taiwan (including the
Pescadores) to the Republic of China as one of several Allied demands. The Cairo Declaration was never signed or ratified and is not legally binding. In 1945, Japan unconditionally surrendered with the signing of the
instrument of surrender and ended its rule in Taiwan as the territory was put under the administrative control of the Republic of China government in 1945 by the
United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. ==Administration==