In May 1909, Du Bois attended the
National Negro Conference in New York. The meeting led to the creation of the
National Negro Committee, chaired by Oswald Garrison Villard, and dedicated to campaigning for civil rights, equal voting rights, and equal educational opportunities. The following spring, in 1910, at the second National Negro Conference, the attendees created the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). At Du Bois's suggestion, the word
colored, rather than
black, was used to include "dark skinned people everywhere". Dozens of civil rights supporters, black and white, participated in the founding, but most executive officers were white, including
Mary White Ovington,
Charles Edward Russell,
William English Walling, and its first president,
Moorfield Storey.
The Crisis NAACP leaders offered Du Bois the position of Director of Publicity and Research. He accepted the job in the summer of 1910 and moved to New York after resigning from Atlanta University. His primary duty was editing the NAACP's monthly magazine, which he named
The Crisis. The first issue appeared in November 1910, and Du Bois wrote that it aimed to set out "those facts and arguments which show the danger of race prejudice, particularly as manifested today toward colored people". The journal was phenomenally successful, and its circulation reached 100,000 in 1920. Typical articles in the early editions were polemics against the dishonesty and parochialism of black churches, and discussions on the Afrocentric origins of Egyptian civilization. Du Bois's African-centered view of ancient Egypt was in direct opposition to many Egyptologists of his day, including
Flinders Petrie, whom Du Bois had met at a conference. A 1911 Du Bois editorial helped initiate a
nationwide push to induce the federal government to outlaw lynching. Du Bois, employing the sarcasm he frequently used, commented on a lynching in
Pennsylvania: "The point is he was black. Blackness must be punished. Blackness is the crime of crimes ... It is therefore necessary, as every white scoundrel in the nation knows, to let slip no opportunity of punishing this crime of crimes. Of course if possible, the pretext should be great and overwhelming – some awful stunning crime, made even more horrible by the reporters' imagination. Failing this, mere murder, arson, barn burning or impudence may do."
The Crisis carried Du Bois editorials supporting the ideals of unionized labor but denouncing its leaders' racism; blacks were barred from membership. Du Bois also supported the principles of the
Socialist Party of America (he held party membership from 1910 to 1912), but he denounced the racism demonstrated by some socialist leaders. Frustrated by Republican president Taft's failure to address widespread lynching, Du Bois endorsed Democratic candidate
Woodrow Wilson in the
1912 presidential race, in exchange for Wilson's promise to support black causes. Throughout his writings, Du Bois supported
women's rights and
women's suffrage, but he found it difficult to publicly endorse the
American suffragist movement because leaders of the movement refused to support his fight against racial injustice. A 1913
Crisis editorial broached the taboo subject of
interracial marriage: although Du Bois generally expected persons to marry within their race, he viewed the problem as a women's rights issue, because laws prohibited white men from marrying black women. Du Bois wrote "Anti-miscegenation laws in the United States|[anti-miscegenation] laws leave the colored girls absolutely helpless for the lust of white men. It reduces colored women in the eyes of the law to the position of dogs. As low as the white girl falls, she can compel her seducer to marry her ... We must kill [anti-miscegenation laws] not because we are anxious to marry the white men's sisters, but because we are determined that white men will leave our sisters alone." During 1915−1916, some leaders of the NAACP – disturbed by financial losses at
The Crisis, and worried about the inflammatory rhetoric of some of its essays – attempted to oust Du Bois from his editorial position. Du Bois and his supporters prevailed, and he continued in his role as editor. In a 1919 column titled "The True Brownies", he announced the creation of ''
The Brownies' Book'', the first magazine published for African-American children and youth, which he founded with
Augustus Granville Dill and
Jessie Redmon Fauset.
Historian and author The 1910s were a productive time for Du Bois. In 1911, he attended the
First Universal Races Congress in London and he published his first novel,
The Quest of the Silver Fleece. Two years later, Du Bois wrote, produced, and directed a pageant for the stage,
The Star of Ethiopia. In 1915, Du Bois published
The Negro, a general history of black Africans, and the first of its kind in English. The book rebutted claims of African inferiority and came to serve as the basis of much
Afrocentric historiography in the 20th century.
The Negro predicted unity and solidarity for colored people around the world, and it influenced many who supported the Pan-African movement. In 1915,
The Atlantic Monthly carried a Du Bois essay, "The African Roots of the War", which consolidated his ideas on capitalism, imperialism, and race. He argued that the
Scramble for Africa was at the root of World War I. He also anticipated later communist doctrine, by suggesting that wealthy capitalists had pacified white workers by giving them just enough wealth to prevent them from revolting, and by threatening them with competition by the lower-cost labor of colored workers.
Combating racism Du Bois used his influential NAACP position to oppose a variety of racist incidents. When the silent film
The Birth of a Nation premiered in 1915, Du Bois and the NAACP led the fight to ban the movie because of its racist portrayal of blacks as brutish and lustful. The fight was not successful, and possibly contributed to the film's fame, but the publicity drew many new supporters to the NAACP. The private sector was not the only source of racism: under President Wilson, the plight of African Americans in government jobs suffered. Many federal agencies adopted whites-only employment practices, the Army excluded blacks from officer ranks, and the immigration service prohibited the immigration of persons of African ancestry. Du Bois wrote an editorial in 1914 deploring the dismissal of blacks from federal posts, and he supported
William Monroe Trotter when Trotter brusquely confronted Wilson about the President's failure to fulfill his campaign promise of justice for blacks.
The Crisis continued to wage a campaign against lynching. In 1915, it published an article with a year-by-year tabulation of 2,732 lynchings from 1884 to 1914. The April 1916 edition covered the group lynching of six African Americans in
Lee County, Georgia. The article broke new ground by utilizing undercover reporting to expose the conduct of local whites in
Waco, Texas. The early 20th century was the era of the
Great Migration of blacks from the
Southern United States to the
Northeast,
Midwest, and
West. Du Bois wrote an editorial supporting the Great Migration, feeling it would help blacks escape Southern racism, find economic opportunities, and assimilate into American society. Also in the 1910s the
American eugenics movement was in its infancy, and many leading eugenicists were openly racist, defining Blacks as "a lower race". Du Bois opposed this view as an unscientific aberration, but still maintained the basic principle of eugenics: that different persons have different inborn characteristics that make them more or less suited for specific kinds of employment, and that by encouraging the most talented members of all races to procreate would better the stock of humanity.
World War I As the
United States prepared to enter World War I in 1917, Du Bois's colleague in the NAACP,
Joel Spingarn, established a camp to train African Americans to serve as officers in the
United States Armed Forces. The camp was controversial as some whites felt that blacks were not qualified to be officers, and some blacks felt that African Americans should not participate in what they considered a white man's war. Du Bois supported Spingarn's training camp, but was disappointed when the Army forcibly retired one of its few black officers,
Charles Young, on a pretense of ill health. The Army agreed to create 1,000 officer positions for blacks, but insisted that 250 come from enlisted men, conditioned to taking orders from whites, rather than from independent-minded blacks who came from the camp. More than 700,000 blacks enlisted on the first day of the draft, but were subject to discriminatory conditions that prompted vocal protests from Du Bois. After the
East St. Louis riots occurred in the summer of 1917, Du Bois traveled to St. Louis to report on the riots. Between 40 and 250 African Americans were massacred by whites, primarily due to resentment caused by St. Louis industry hiring blacks to replace striking white workers. Du Bois's reporting resulted in an article "The Massacre of East St. Louis", published in the September issue of
The Crisis, which contained photographs and interviews detailing the violence. Historian
David Levering Lewis concluded that Du Bois distorted some of the facts in order to increase the propaganda value of the article. To publicly demonstrate the black community's outrage over the riots, Du Bois organized the
Silent Parade, a march of around 9,000 African Americans down New York City's
Fifth Avenue, the first parade of its kind in New York, and the second instance of blacks publicly demonstrating for civil rights. The
Houston riot of 1917 disturbed Du Bois and was a major setback to efforts to permit African Americans to become military officers. The riot began after
Houston police arrested and beat two black soldiers; in response, more than 100 black soldiers took to the streets of Houston and killed 16 whites. A military court martial was held, and 19 of the soldiers were hanged, and 67 others were imprisoned. In spite of the Houston riot, Du Bois and others successfully pressed the Army to accept the officers trained at Spingarn's camp, resulting in more than 600 black officers joining the Army in October 1917. Federal officials, concerned about subversive viewpoints expressed by NAACP leaders, attempted to frighten the NAACP by threatening it with investigations. Du Bois was not intimidated, and in 1918 he predicted that
World War I would lead to an overthrow of the European colonial system and the "liberation" of colored people worldwide – in
China, in
India, and especially in the
Americas. NAACP chairman Joel Spingarn was enthusiastic about the war, and he persuaded Du Bois to consider an officer's commission in the Army, contingent on Du Bois writing an editorial repudiating his
anti-war stance. Du Bois accepted this bargain and wrote the pro-war "Close Ranks" editorial in June 1918 and soon thereafter he received a commission in the Army. Many black leaders, who wanted to leverage the war to gain civil rights for African Americans, criticized Du Bois for his sudden reversal. Southern officers in Du Bois's unit objected to his presence, and his commission was withdrawn.
After the war When the war ended, Du Bois traveled to Europe in 1919 to attend the first
Pan-African Congress and to interview African-American soldiers for a planned book on their experiences in World War I. He was trailed by U.S. agents who were searching for evidence of treasonous activities. Du Bois discovered that the vast majority of black American soldiers were relegated to menial labor as
stevedores and laborers. Some units were armed, and one in particular, the
92nd Division (the Buffalo soldiers), engaged in combat. Du Bois discovered widespread racism in the Army, and concluded that the Army command discouraged African Americans from joining the Army, discredited the accomplishments of black soldiers, and promoted bigotry. Du Bois returned from Europe more determined than ever to gain equal rights for African Americans. Black soldiers returning from overseas felt a new sense of power and worth, and were representative of an emerging attitude referred to as the
New Negro. In the editorial "Returning Soldiers" he wrote: "But, by the God of Heaven, we are cowards and jackasses if, now that the war is over, we do not marshal every ounce of our brain and brawn to fight a sterner, longer, more unbending battle against the forces of hell in our own land."
Many blacks moved to northern cities in search of work, and some northern white workers resented the competition. This labor strife was one of the causes of the
Red Summer, a series of
race riots across America in 1919, in which more than 300 African Americans were killed in more than 30 cities. Du Bois documented the atrocities in the pages of
The Crisis, culminating in the December publication of a gruesome photograph of a
lynching that occurred during a race riot in Omaha, Nebraska. Reports coming out of the South blamed the blacks, alleging that they were conspiring to take over the government. Infuriated with the distortions, Du Bois published a letter in the
New York World, claiming that the only crime the black
sharecroppers had committed was daring to challenge their white landlords by hiring an attorney to investigate contractual irregularities. More than 60 of the surviving blacks were arrested and tried for conspiracy, in the case known as
Moore v. Dempsey. Du Bois rallied blacks across America to raise funds for the legal defense, which, six years later, resulted in a Supreme Court ruling authored by
Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. '', first-edition cover, 1920 In 1920, Du Bois published
Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil, the first of his three autobiographies. The "veil" was that which covered colored people around the world. In the book, he hoped to lift the veil and show white readers what life was like behind the veil, and how it distorted the viewpoints of those looking through it – in both directions. The book contained Du Bois's feminist essay, "The Damnation of Women", which was a tribute to the dignity and worth of women, particularly black women. Concerned that textbooks used by African-American children ignored black history and culture, Du Bois created a monthly children's magazine, ''The Brownies' Book''. Initially published in 1920, it was aimed at black children, who Du Bois called "the children of the sun".
Pan-Africanism and Marcus Garvey Du Bois traveled to Europe in 1921 to attend the second Pan-African Congress. The assembled black leaders from around the world issued the
London Resolutions and established a Pan-African Association headquarters in Paris. Under Du Bois's guidance, the resolutions insisted on racial equality, and that Africa be ruled
by Africans (not, as in the 1919 congress, with the
consent of Africans). Du Bois restated the resolutions of the congress in his
Manifesto to the League of Nations, which implored the newly formed
League of Nations to address labor issues and to appoint Africans to key posts. The League took little action on the requests. Jamaican activist
Marcus Garvey, promoter of the
Back-to-Africa movement and founder of the
Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), denounced Du Bois's efforts to achieve equality through integration, and instead endorsed racial separatism. Du Bois initially supported the concept of Garvey's
Black Star Line, a shipping company that was intended to facilitate commerce within the
African diaspora. But Du Bois later became concerned that Garvey was threatening the NAACP's efforts, leading Du Bois to describe him as fraudulent and reckless. Responding to Garvey's slogan "Africa for the Africans", Du Bois said that he supported that concept, but denounced Garvey's intention that Africa be ruled by African Americans. Du Bois wrote a series of articles in
The Crisis between 1922 and 1924 attacking Garvey's movement, calling him the "most dangerous enemy of the Negro race in America and the world." Du Bois and Garvey never made a serious attempt to collaborate, and their dispute was partly rooted in the desire of their respective organizations (NAACP and UNIA) to capture a larger portion of the available philanthropic funding. Du Bois decried Harvard's decision to ban blacks from its dormitories in 1921 as an instance of a broad effort in the U.S. to renew "the
Anglo-Saxon cult; the worship of the
Nordic totem, the disfranchisement of
Negro,
Jew,
Irishman,
Italian,
Hungarian,
Asiatic and
South Sea Islander – the world rule of Nordic white through brute force." When Du Bois sailed for Europe in 1923 for the third Pan-African Congress, the circulation of
The Crisis had declined to 60,000 from its World War I high of 100,000, but it remained the preeminent periodical of the civil rights movement. President
Calvin Coolidge designated Du Bois an "Envoy Extraordinary" to
Liberia and – after the third congress concluded – Du Bois rode a German freighter from the
Canary Islands to Africa, visiting
Liberia,
Sierra Leone, and
Senegal.
Harlem Renaissance Du Bois frequently promoted African-American artistic creativity in his writings, and when the
Harlem Renaissance emerged in the mid-1920s, his article "A Negro Art Renaissance" celebrated the end of the long hiatus of blacks from creative endeavors. His enthusiasm for the Harlem Renaissance waned as he came to believe that many whites visited Harlem for voyeurism, not for genuine appreciation of black art. Du Bois insisted that artists recognize their moral responsibilities, writing that "a black artist is first of all a
black artist." He was also concerned that black artists were not using their art to promote black causes, saying "I do not care a damn for any art that is not used for propaganda." By the end of 1926, he stopped employing
The Crisis to support the arts.
Debate with Lothrop Stoddard In 1929, a debate organized by the Chicago Forum Council billed as "One of the greatest debates ever held" was held between Du Bois and
Lothrop Stoddard, a member of the
Ku Klux Klan, proponent of
eugenics and so-called
scientific racism. Du Bois remained "convinced that socialism was an excellent way of life, but I thought it might be reached by various methods." Nine years after the 1917
Russian Revolution, Du Bois extended a trip to Europe to include a visit to the
Soviet Union, where he was struck by the poverty and disorganization he encountered in the Soviet Union, yet was impressed by the intense labors of the officials and by the recognition given to workers. Although Du Bois was not yet familiar with the
communist theories of
Karl Marx or
Vladimir Lenin, he concluded that
socialism might be a better path towards racial equality than capitalism. Although Du Bois generally endorsed socialist principles, his politics were strictly pragmatic: in the
1929 New York City mayoral election, he endorsed Democrat
Jimmy Walker for mayor of New York, rather than the socialist
Norman Thomas, believing that Walker could do more immediate good for blacks, even though Thomas's platform was more consistent with Du Bois's views. Throughout the 1920s, Du Bois and the NAACP shifted support back and forth between the Republican Party and the
Democratic Party, induced by promises from the candidates to fight lynchings, improve working conditions, or support voting rights in the South; invariably, the candidates failed to deliver on their promises. A rivalry emerged in 1931 between the NAACP and the
Communist Party, when the communists responded quickly and effectively to support the
Scottsboro Boys, nine African-American youths arrested in 1931 in Alabama for rape. Du Bois and the NAACP felt that the case would not be beneficial to their cause, so they chose to let the Communist Party
organize the defense efforts. Du Bois was impressed with the vast amount of publicity and funds which the communists devoted to the partially successful defense effort, and he came to suspect that the communists were attempting to present their party to African Americans as a better solution than the NAACP. Responding to criticisms of the NAACP from the Communist Party, Du Bois wrote articles condemning the party, claiming that it unfairly attacked the NAACP, and that it failed to fully appreciate racism in the United States. In their turn, the communist leaders accused him of being a "class enemy", and claimed that the NAACP leadership was an isolated elite, disconnected from the working-class blacks they ostensibly fought for. ==Return to Atlanta==