The Muhajirs have started many socio-political groups in Pakistan such as the
Muttahida Qaumi Movement under
Altaf Hussain in 1984, the
All Pakistan Muslim League under
Pervez Musharraf, and
Jamaat e Islami under
Abul A'la Maududi.
British-era Khilafat Movement |thumb|upright During the last period of the
Ottoman Empire, the empire was indebted and the community provided significant financial support to preserve the empire. The members of the movement who are now Muhajirs granted the money to preserve the Ottoman Empire but were unable to prevent its decline; it was the biggest political eminence in pre-Muhajir history.
Pakistan Movement The
Pakistan movement, to constitute a separate state comprising the Muslim-majority provinces, was supported by the
Urdu-speaking Muslim elite and many notables of the
Aligarh Movement. It was initiated in the 19th century when Sir
Syed Ahmed Khan, the grandson of the Khwaja Fakhruddin, the
Vizier of
Akbar Shah II, expounded the cause of Muslim autonomy in
Aligarh. In its early years, Muslim nobles such as
nawabs (aristocrats and landed gentry) supported the idea, but as the idea spread, it gained great support among the Muslim population and in particular the rising middle and upper classes. The Muslims launched the movement under the banner of the
All India Muslim League and
Delhi was its main centre. The headquarters of the All India Muslim League (the founding party of Pakistan) was based, since its creation in 1906, in
Dhaka (present-day Bangladesh). The Muslim League won 90 per cent of reserved Muslim seats in the 1946 elections and its demand for the creation of Pakistan received overwhelming popular support among Indian Muslims, especially in those provinces of British India such as
U.P. where Muslims were a minority.
1947–1958 The Muhajirs of Pakistan were largely settled in
Sindh province, particularly in the province's capital,
Karachi, where the Muhajirs were in a majority. As a result of their domination of major Sindhi cities, there had been tensions between Muhajirs and the native
Sindhis, and this has been a major factor in the shaping of Muhajir politics. The Muhajirs, upon their arrival in Pakistan, soon joined the Punjabi-dominated ruling elite of the newborn country due to their high rates of education and urban background. Upon arrival in Pakistan, the Muhajirs did not assert themselves as a separate ethnic identity, being multi-ethnic themselves, but were at the forefront of trying to construct an Islamic Pakistani identity. Muhajirs dominated the
bureaucracy of Sindh in the early years of the Pakistani state, largely due to their higher levels of educational attainment. Prior to the partition,
Hindus dominated the professions of lawyers, teachers, and tradesmen in
Sindh and the vacancies they left behind were filled up by the Muhajirs. Out of the 101
Muslims in
India's civil service, 95 chose to leave India. A third of those civil servants were West Punjabis and there were as many Muhajirs as
Punjabis. The Muhajirs also had a strong hold over the economy, 36 of the 42 largest private companies belonged to Muhajirs, mainly those from the
Indian state of Gujarat. By the time of Pakistan's first military regime (Ayub Khan, 1958), the Muhajirs had already begun to lose their influence in the ruling elite, especially after he changed the federal capital of Karachi to Islamabad. The percentage of Muhajirs in the
civil service declined while the percentage of others increased. In the
presidential election of 1965, the
Muslim League split into two factions: the
Muslim League (Fatima Jinnah) supported
Fatima Jinnah, the younger sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, while the
Convention Muslim League supported General Ayub Khan. The Muhajirs at this time supported the Muslim League of Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan. The rivalry reached a peak after the
electoral fraud of the 1965 presidential election and a post-election triumphal march by Gohar Ayub Khan, the son of General Ayub Khan, set off ethnic clashes between Pashtuns and Muhajirs in Karachi on 4 January 1965. Four years later, on 24 March 1969, President Ayub Khan directed a letter to
General Yahya Khan, inviting him to deal with the tense political situation in Pakistan. On 26 March 1969, General Yahya appeared on national television and proclaimed martial law over the country. Yahya subsequently abrogated the
1962 Constitution, dissolved
parliament, and dismissed President Ayub's civilian officials.
1970–1977 The
1970 Pakistani general election on 7 December 1970, saw the
Awami League winning the elections. The Muhajirs had voted for the
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and
Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, The nationalization of Pakistan's educational institutions, financial institutions, and industry in 1972 by Prime Minister
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan People's Party impacted the Muhajirs hardest as their educational institutions, commerce, and industries were nationalized without any compensation. Subsequently, the quota system introduced by
Liaquat Ali Khan which allowed Muhajirs to take government jobs was reversed by
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto preventing them from taking government jobs and other government institutions, by introducing urban rural quota divide in government job slots. These policies also included the forceful retirement, dismissal or demotion of over 1,000 Urdu-speaking officers. Due to the clashes, Prime Minister Bhutto compromised and announced that Urdu and Sindhi would both be official languages in Sindh. The move had frustrated the Muhajirs as they did not speak the Sindhi language.
1977–1988 In the
1977 Pakistani general election,
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and
Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan joined in a coalition named the
Pakistan National Alliance. Since the Muhajirs voted mostly for the Pakistan National Alliance, The movement was particularly strong among
Karachi's middle and lower-middle-classes who clashed with state forces and political opponents in deadly gun battles and destroyed state-owned plants. A year after
Zia's coup, Jamaat e Islami started losing support to the newly founded
APMSO, which believed that Jamat Islami and Jamiat Ulema Pakistan were "playing the muhajirs false". APMSO created several militant cells, such as Black Tigers and
Nadeem Commandos, to counter the heavily armed Thunder squad of
Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba. On 18 March 1984, the senior members of APMSO launched the
Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) – an ethnic Muhajir party that was to serve as the senior partner of the APMSO. On 8 August 1986, a day still celebrated by the party as the moment the MQM came to the fore as a political force, Altaf Hussain drew thousands of Muhajirs to a rally in
Nishtar Park where he declared Muhajirs a fifth sub-nationality within Pakistan. A year after the rally in Nishtar Park, MQM swept the local bodies' election in
Karachi and
Hyderabad. emerged as the third-largest political party of Pakistan, in alliance with PPP. Differences developed between the
PPP and
MQM after dozens were killed at an MQM congregation by Sindhi nationalists, and the alliance fell apart in the wake of ensuing violence. In June 1992, a massive '
Operation Cleanup' was launched to rid the city of terrorism but MQM was selectively targeted. The Party's political offices were shut down as scores of its workers were killed in extra judicial murders and shootouts, After the operation ended, MQM staged a comeback and a second crackdown against MQM was carried out during the tenure of
Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, in which many associated with the party were killed. After the
military takeover in 1999 by
Pervez Musharraf, the MQM backed Pervez Musharraf strongly till his resignation in 2008. Even after Musharraf's fall from power, MQM continued to dominate Muhajir politics until 2016 when it broke up into four factions and collapsed.
2016–present Amid a fractured MQM, the populist leader
Imran Khan's PTI started to dominate Karachi's politics with a multiethnic support base from all walks of life, including the Muhajirs mainly from upper-middle and middle class, while lower-middle class Muhajirs turned to
Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. Despite tough opposition from
PPP and
TLP,
PTI managed to bag the popular vote en masses during the
2018 Pakistani general elections, though with a lower voter turnout. But in 2023, after the merger of the MQM factions, MQM staged a comeback into Muhajir politics. In
2023 Karachi local government elections MQM-P's boycott resulted in very low voter turnouts. == Society ==