Early life and education Carp was a scion of the old
boyar class in Moldavia: his family has attested roots going back to the 17th century, The Carps were related to other noble houses, including the
Cozadinis, the
Racovițăs and the Kostakis. They owned the manorial estate of
Țibănești, formed over the centuries by the accumulation of yeomen farmland Carp's father, also known as Petre (Petru), was a
Spatharios of the
Princely Court, Young Carp received a classical education in literature, and was noted as a connoisseur of works by
Homer,
J. W. Goethe, and especially
William Shakespeare.
Junimea creation ''s printing press Carp was in Prussia when Moldavia merged with
Wallachia to create the
United Principalities (the first step to a unified Romania). He returned to Iași in autumn 1862, having just turned 25, From its inception, the
Junimea group supported dialogue over class divides. Theodor Rosetti's family, the
Rosettis, were a famous political clan, and he was himself the brother-in-law of united Romania's first ruler,
Domnitor Alexander John Cuza (wedded to
Elena Rosetti). As philosopher
Virgil Nemoianu notes, Rosetti and Carp were the highest-ranked boyars among the
Junimist founders. Maiorescu was the only core member not to come from a wealthy family, and privately resented his aristocratic colleagues, Carp included, for their condescending behavior. However, Carp also used his nobleman's upbringing to Maiorescu's advantage, when he promised to duel all those who would mention Maiorescu's alleged sexual misconduct. P. P. Carp's initial contribution to
Junimist activities was as a man of letters. In a public reading at Maiorescu's home, the first such event in
Junimea history, he introduced his own translation from Shakespeare's
Macbeth, probably done from the English. He kept a vivid interest in such work over the next years, translating
Othello (printed under
Junimea patronage in 1868), articles from the
British cultural press, and the scientific travelogues of
Alexander von Humboldt. He also lectured freely on literary or historical subjects, including "Ancient and Modern Tragedy" or "Three Caesars". The literary reunions attracted interest and became noisy banquets, the atmosphere of which is documented by Negruzzi's memoirs. He notes that Carp hardly ever consumed alcohol in public, but that, when he did, he was a sentimental drunk. The
Junimea debates were lively and sprinkled with biting
ad hominem. Young Carp casually addressed the audience with the insult
gogomani ("dopes"), and it became a badge of pride for the oldest
Junimists to have been identified as such. The inside joke was replicated among the more minor
Junimists. They casually misspelled Carp's surname as
Chirp (pretending to follow the obscure lexical theories of folklorist
Ioan D. Caragiani);
1866 conspiracy and mission to France By 1865, Carp had all but abandoned the cultivation of literature, throwing his hat into politics: following Th. Rosetti's intercession, he became an
auditor for Cuza's Council of State, leaving for
Bucharest. More attracted to the "White" half of the spectrum, Carp became especially active in the national journals (
Cugetarea,
Revista Dunării), mainly as a critic of Romania's "Red" liberalism and of some emergent
left-wing tendencies. A year later, Carp was lending his pen to the
Junimist satire of Hasdeu's historical method. and attacked his historical research in the "White" review
Gazeta de Iassi. As a defender of the
parliamentary system, Carp disliked the
authoritarian regime slowly introduced by the
Domnitor. He and Pogor were the two anti-Cuzists of
Junimea, whereas the other contributors remained neutral on the issue. This period also marked Carp's first contacts with the conservative wing of
Freemasonry, Carp was equally alarmed about the
Russian Empire's policy toward Romania, which he regarded as callous and menacing, and believed that members of some other ethnic communities needed to be kept under watch. He therefore officially demanded a probe into the pro-Russian politics of Bulgarian committees.
Térra reacted against the "
demagogy" of "Red" politics, in particular the opinions expressed by
C. A. Rosetti's
Românul paper, and advocated
Jewish emancipation within a moderate conservative framework. Its content made it a tribune for a distinct group of conservatives: the so-called
Juna Dreaptă ("Young Right") society, headed by
Manolache Costache Epureanu, Its vision was reflected in Carp's parliamentary speeches. In April 1868, he condemned the
pogrom of
Bacău, and described emancipation as an issue of human rights.
Térra closed down in May 1868, and reemerged for a second and last edition between January and July 1870. At that stage, it had allied itself with the monarchist wing of "Red" liberalism, in power with Prime Minister
Alexandru G. Golescu. The newspaper gave favorable coverage to the adoption of a national currency, the
Romanian leu. This step signaled Romania's unilateral emancipation from the
Ottoman Empire, her nominal overlord, but was received with alarm by leftists such as Hasdeu—while
Térra called it "grand" news, Hasdeu's pamphlet regarded the leu as the newest symbol of Carlist usurpation. Meanwhile, the Western world was becoming outraged about discrimination and
antisemitism in Romania. The nationality law was strongly supported by the liberal left, and, trying to appease the foreign governments,
Domnitor Carol ceased all collaboration with the "Reds". In April 1870, the 33-year-old
Junimist joined the Epureanu conservative cabinet (or "Hen and Fledgling Government"), as Minister of Foreign Affairs. From May 23, 1870, Carp also replaced his colleague Pogor as
Minister of Education and Religious Affairs. As such, he reinstated Maiorescu to his teaching position at the
University of Iași, helping him recover from a damaging confrontation with the liberal teaching staff. but the various assignments absorbed
Junimea men into state affairs. Iacob Negruzzi, who initially complained ("That's how politics more or less tears apart our literary club. A shame in God's eyes!"), was soon co-opted into political life, leaving for Bucharest in mid-1870. The republican movement was spurred on by the "
Strousberg Affair", when the scale of (supposedly privileged) Prussian involvement in the
Romanian Railways was revealed to a Francophile public. The incidents were covered by
Térra, but Carp and his colleagues insisted that, far from being a disgrace for the "Whites", the scandalous
bailout had been agreed between "Red" minister
Mihail Kogălniceanu and Prussian investor
B. H. Strousberg. Carp resented the republicans, and noted that the riots were an opportunity for Carol to arrest the entire "Red" leadership. Epureanu's government fell in December 1870, but the "Whites" returned to power in March 1871, with
Lascăr Catargiu at the helm. This period, known to the conservatives as the "Great government", managed to bring together all "White" factions. Carp was appointed
Head of Mission to the newly proclaimed
German Empire, where he served until April 1873 and negotiated further German credits for the Railways. Following this venture, Carp was also dispatched to the
Kingdom of Italy, as
Romanian diplomatic agent. The Catargiu cabinet had Maiorescu as Minister of Education and Religious Affairs, but the latter resigned due to a political scandal. Carp was called in to replace his
Junimea colleague, and filled the post for the remaining two months of conservative power.
Romanian independence and Northern Dobruja debate in 1878, showing emancipated territories (
yellow) and new borders (
red) over the old ones (
green) After partial elections for Vaslui's 2nd College (April 1877), Carp took a
Senate seat. He also asked, rhetorically, "what is our guarantee against Russia?" Just before the
Russo-Turkish War of 1877, he criticized Premier
Ion Brătianu for allowing safe passage to Russian troops. His argument was that the intrusion of "30,000 foreign bayonets" posed a great threat for Romania's future. Carp personally worried that the region was indefensible in front of
Bulgarian irredentism. Eventually, on September 28, 1878, after a lengthy debate in Parliament and a convincing speech by Foreign Minister Kogălniceanu, the vote swung and the territorial exchange was given official endorsement. Carp watched in disbelief as the PNL's hold on power, by far the longest of its era, sent the "Whites" into a crisis. As a loyalist, he reacted strongly against Catargiu and other conservative leaders when their
Timpul newspaper began attacking Carol over his partnership with the National Liberals, and demanded ideological purity. The citizenship rights had by then been extended, under Western pressure, to accommodate Northern Dobrujan Muslims, but the Jews were still excluded in practice. A year before, Carp had published in
Convorbiri Literare a review of the epic poem
Radu, written by the Jewish intellectual
Ronetti Roman.
Era Nouă politics and Kingdom creation From 1880, Keeping up with his mistrust of Russia, Carp was also the first to suggest building fortifications between
Focșani and
Nămoloasa.
Joining the Triple Alliance Before the end of 1882,
Junimea constituted itself into an independent group and was courted by the other political poles. In that context, Carp became
Ambassador to the Austrian Court, appointed by the Brătianu cabinet. He mistrusted the Premier's sincerity, but argued: "he cannot back out, everything is directed against Russia and for sure things are going to stay put for two or three years." His diplomatic skill was invoked in settling a major litigious issue, that of
free navigation on the Danube. Brătianu hoped that Carp could persuade the German side in the Danube Commission to vote against the Austrians, allowing Romania to fully control its territorial waters. Carp accomplished his task with unexpected ease. His main contribution was Romania's alignment with the Triple Alliance, negotiated by him in meetings with Bismarck. He was immersed in this project, as noted by historian Rudolf Dinu: "[his] activity in certain moments exceeded by far the level of a mere negotiator". Brătianu personally thanked his envoy soon after the deal was sealed: "only now can we say that [Romania] has her future ensured." and none of the succeeding Ambassadors to Austria and resented their attempts to direct Germany's foreign policies. The
détente left open another issue on the nation's agenda: the Austro-Hungarian regions of
Transylvania, where a Romanian majority was threatened with
Magyarization, and
Bukovina, with a Romanian plurality. The negotiation effort and even normal diplomatic contacts were jeopardized when the PNL's
Petre Grădișteanu attended a large
irredentist rally in Iași. When the PNL rank and file threatened with a republican revolt, Carp issued a scornful reply. The Transylvanian problem also expanded the gap between the various Conservatives. The favorite
Junimist poet
Mihai Eminescu, at the time the main staff writer at
Timpul, was noted for his anti-Austrian or anti-Hungarian invectives, and becoming an embarrassment to his patrons. Reportedly, Carp disliked
Timpuls tone, telling Maiorescu to "make sure and calm down that Eminescu". Eminescu's quick sinking into a mental disorder put an end to such concerns, but the apparent string of coincidences continues to fuel a
conspiracy theory, according to which Carp and Maiorescu have framed and silenced Eminescu.
"Tomorrow's Conservatives" and "United Opposition" cartoon, poking fun at Carp's
Era Nouă government (November 1888). In the "old era", peasants feed their masters; in Carp's "new era", the roles are politely alternated The
Junimist group, also calling itself the "New Conservatives" or "Tomorrow's Conservatives", adopted an extended version of the
Era Nouă program as its very own (1884). They were again in disagreement with the PNL, once Brătianu pushed through legislation that expanded the electoral basis and renounced the old
census suffrage. At the time, the whole
Junimist party found itself exposed to criticism from all sides, which Carp countered with his trademark sarcastic speeches. The dialogue between the two sides did not stop, and, in the
1884 election, young
Junimist Alexandru Marghiloman was elected to the legislature with support from both P. P. Carp and Ion Brătianu. The "New Conservatives" eventually caucused with the Conservative Party, and effectively formed a single group in Parliament (more evidently so when Carp was out of the country). During the troubled 1887–1888 period, when Catargiu and other opposition Conservatives left Parliament to push for the fall of Brătianu's cabinet, Carp's group stayed behind, and pursued dialogue with those in power. The general public began to suspect that the PNL leader was backing the unpopular alliance with Germany, and Bismarck himself expressed concern that a neutralist policy would overturn Carp's program. The United Opposition staged a riot against the PNL in March 1888. Carp was shocked by the violent backlash, and, although he did not sign up to a common platform, joined the peaceful March of Mourning into the
Assembly Palace. The news generated even more trouble, as the outgoing PNL administration had made vague promises of a land reform in the
Bărăgan Plain. Locals were disheartened that a landowning party had been granted power, and rebelled. Carol felt threatened by the events, urging the troops to show "no mercy" when quashing the revolt, and blaming them on a Russian-style "
Narodovolist" conspiracy. In this context, Carp proceeded to negotiate with the United Opposition, offering to make Fleva head of
Internal Affairs, in preparation for the
November 1888 election. The plan failed, as Fleva asked for a totally free scrutiny, to which Carp allegedly replied: "No free elections! But we'll get real elections!"
Rosetti cabinet and "Conservative concentration" Although Carp still had the political initiative, he was not considered for the premiership. Its main figures were Carp, Maiorescu, Th. Rosetti, Negruzzi and Marghiloman. Carp was similarly marginalized during the fourth and final Catargiu administration (1891), but still described it as "one of the most fertile and useful" Romanian governments. His other contributions were a new Law on Forestry, the construction of several "
Model Farms", education campaigns to improve
animal husbandry, and the
canalization of
Sulina branch (
Danube Delta). Lacking popular appeal, Carp was interested in a rapprochement with Catargiu, and, as a gesture of good-will, stripped the old
Junimist and republican
George Panu of his Constitutional Party membership. Popovici too became Carp's enthusiastic follower among the Transylvanians, counting him and Maiorescu as his personal idols. Carp eventually incited the Conservative coalition to concede power. In an interview with his sympathizer Missir, he informed the suspicious public that, far from being a ruse, the move evidenced his party's "moral duty", that of not holding on to power against all odds. In 1898, Carp's daughter married
Alexandru D. Sturdza, son of the PNL's Dimitrie Sturdza, who was by then the acting Premier. Despite their 1888 quarrel and their positioning on different sides of the political divide (which added journalistic interest to the wedding), Carp and Premier Sturdza were both dedicated Germanophiles. As a result of a government arrangement, Alexandru spent the next 12 years in Germany, where he trained with the
Imperial Army.
First Carp cabinet By 1899,
Junimea was again merged into the Conservative Party. That year, Catargiu died, leaving open the issue of his succession to the Conservative Chairmanship. Carp took part in the subsequent race, but lost to
Gheorghe Grigore Cantacuzino, who probably received decisive support from King Carol. Carp's influence was also being contested by the new current formed around the Conservative Study Circle. Through its speakers Filipescu and
Dimitrie S. Nenițescu, the Circle began analyzing the need for complex electoral reforms. Filipescu admired the senior leader, but Carp felt that the
generation gap was unbridgeable. P. P. Carp was Romanian Premier and
Finance Minister between July 7, 1900 and February 13, 1901. he was more focused on tackling the economic slump. The dire economic situation had already brought down a Conservative cabinet, in which Take Ionescu was the Finance Minister. Unable to contract more foreign loans, As a leading measure, the Premier attempted to relinquish the state's share in the
National Bank of Romania (BNR). The project was opposed by BNR founder and National Liberal doyen
Eugeniu Carada, who informed Carp that there was little chance of profitable privatization. As an alternative measure, Carp leased the state tobacco monopoly to a bankers' syndicate. Through his Minister of Internal Affairs (
Constantin Olănescu), Carp also imposed strict measures against
moonshiners, after which riots and bloodshed occurred throughout the poorer regions of Wallachia. The Carp cabinet had Maiorescu as
Justice Minister, and witnessed the first political disagreements between the two friends. Maiorescu was becoming convinced that Carp's ambitions could prove dangerous for their party, and privately complained that his friend still prioritized familial obligations over the business of state. Carp's Liberal in-law Dimitrie Sturdza ascended to power, and, after the
1901 election, the PNL-dominated legislature preserved
austerity but attracted in a large loan from the BNR. Carp also registered a personal defeat when he resigned from the Jockey Club, which had rejected the application of his young protégé
Constantin Alimănișteanu. There followed a period of readjustment inside the
Junimea society. After leaving office, Carp enjoyed close ties with a former
Junimist figure, the dramatist and satirist
Ion Luca Caragiale. The writer had been a mild critic of Carp throughout the 1890s. Around 1905, after Caragiale settled in Germany with his family, he vacationed with Carp in
Weimar. Meanwhile,
Duiliu Zamfirescu, another literary
Junimist, found himself disregarded by his mentors Carp and Maiorescu, and eventually split with the Conservative mainstream. In the background, the P. P. Carp–Take Ionescu debate, popularly known as "Take v. Petrache", The
Junimea bloc, who supported Carp for that same position, boycotted the event, and Ionescu soon discovered that the monarch disliked him even more than he resented Carp. Soon after, the Conservative government was rocked by a
nationwide peasants' revolt. Cantacuzino hastily reconciled himself with Carp and Maiorescu, attempting to consolidate his parliamentary support in times of trouble. The same year, Carp was elected Chairman of the reunified party. When it came to handling the disturbances, Carp summarized the Conservative position for the government's benefit: "First you repress, then we'll advise." A letter of his, published in Austria-Hungary by the
Pester Lloyd, even demanded foreign intervention against the rebels, and left Carp exposed to much criticism from within Romania's Parliament. A while after, Carp may have been a witness as Carol, overstepping his attributes, hoarded away from public scrutiny all documents which recorded the death toll caused by repression. Again noted for his reaction against antisemitism, Carp also demanded, and obtained, the
desegregation of farmers' unions, allowing representation to the Jewish leaseholders. Despite their reconciliation, the Conservatives fared badly in the
1907 election, only receiving 29% of the vote, or 5,729 electors. Also in 1908, Take Ionescu and his supporters established their own
Conservative-Democratic Party, which was immediately felt as a major coup by the Carp loyalists. The Conservative-Democratic gazette
Democrația rejoiced, claiming that, other than Carp's "anemic" followers, "the entire Conservative Party rallies, with greatest enthusiasm, to the call of Mr. Take Ionescu". Caragiale, much upset by the Conservative policies on the peasant revolt, joined Ionescu in his effort. He also began referring to Carp's "stupidity", and to the
Junimists as
ciocoi ("upstarts"). Additionally, Carp was facing backlash for his comments on the volatile question of
Aromanian people in disputed
Macedonia. Geographically cut off from its Romanian protectors, this population risked being divided between non-related
Balkan nations. Interviewed by
Pester Lloyd in summer 1908, Carp noted that, pressed upon by other priorities, Romania could only watch like
Hecuba as the Aromanian land was divided between other states. There followed an intense media campaign against Carp: according to historian
Stoica Lascu, the Romanian press was unwilling to accept a "pragmatic,
utilitarian, unemotional" perspective on Macedonia.
Democrația described the Conservative response to Aromanian pleas as "cynical", Reportedly, the Minister initially negotiated with the PNL and Take Ionescu, offering 55 seats to the opposition, but, being refused, allowed them only 42 seats at the vote count. There was also rumor that Carp, the opponent of
centralism, had designed a project to replace the
Prefectures with so-called
Căpitănii ("Captaincies"). These policies angered the opposition Conservative-Democrats, who complained that Carp had "monkeyed" their own reform program. By January 1912, they joined up with the PNL in organizing mass demonstrations, calling for an immediate transfer of power, and alleging that a mass repression was being organized against them by government troops—claims met with sarcasm by Conservative newspapers such as
Epoca. Accused of having sacked non-Conservatives from national administration and of censoring the opposition, the Premier liberalized the trade in alcohol, overturned the
blue law (thus ingratiating himself with the tavern-keeping lobby), and allowed soldiers to vote and run in elections. Carp also sought some bipartisan solutions, but had to deal with accusations of incompetence: the promotion of General
Alexandru Averescu, a suspected embezzler, and the mishandling of public works (scrutinized by
Nicolae Fleva) turned into prolonged scandals. Another political controversy opposed Carp to the leaders of the
Romanian Orthodox Church. It began when the Conservatives, wishing to overturn the PNL's partnership with members of the clergy, attempted to topple
Metropolitan-Primate Atanasie Mironescu with support from
Gherasim Safirin. That push offered political ammunition to Ionescu, who called Carp's religious policy "debauchery". The Carp cabinet still managed to impose its policies on other contentious topics. By March 1912, when he passed a new law on Northern Dobruja, Carp had adopted the
colonial views of his contemporaries: all ethnic Romanian immigrants to the province, including the new arrivals from Transylvania, were raised to the same level of citizenship as the local Muslims. The Carp administration, and even its Aromanian public servants, opined that the Aromanian community was small in numbers and virtually
Hellenized. This stance was mirrored by Carol's, who ordered absolute neutrality on the issue of ethnic clashes in Macedonia. Although Carp had publicized his detailed program of government, the focus fell on a scandalous "Tramcar Affair", which the Premier was keen to exploit. At election time, Marghiloman revealed that the PNL had patronized a corruption network which misused the
Bucharest Town Hall budget, meaning that various National Liberal figures risked being arrested. Carp refused to negotiate on the issue, even after the two opposition parties embarked on their anti-government campaign. Through its junior member
Constantin Stere, PNL also began agitating for
universal male suffrage (a project which the PNL itself later buried). In November 1911, P. P. Carp gave his locally famous "Hot Iron" (
Fierul Roșu) speech in Parliament, announcing his intention of
branding the PNL as a party of thieves. The legal face-off between the Tramcar Society and the authorities who attempted to dissolve it was advantageous to the former, and hurt Marghiloman's prestige. The Interior Minister was caught up and mauled in a PNL-instigated public rally, and the Bucharest Conservative Chapter was sacked before Police could intervene.
1913 marginalization from
Ferdinand I of Bulgaria,
Punch cartoon (August 6, 1913) What happened next shocked Carp, and ruined his friendship with Maiorescu. In April 1912, the latter extended his hand to Ionescu and Filipescu, and a new coalition was created against both Brătianu and Carp. Once Maiorescu took over as Premier, Carp handed in his resignation from the post of party leader (stating "I'll not sacrifice immortal ideas for a passing chairmanship"), In 1913, he tried to reaffirm his position in the Conservative Party by convening an irregular Party Congress, but effectively lost the leadership. Unusually, Carp numbered himself among the more hawkish proponents of a preemptive war with Bulgaria, suggesting outright the annexation of
Southern Dobruja. Instead, Maiorescu signed a Russian-brokered peace deal, through which Romania received
Silistra. This concession failed to satisfy Carp and his supporters, and also sparked a
militaristic reaction in Bulgaria. A
Second Balkan War erupted, in which Romania joined the regional coalition against Bulgaria and occupied all the Dobrujan South. While the Maiorescu administration prepared the
Peace of Bucharest, and after failed efforts to make himself obeyed by fellow Conservatives, Carp presented his resignation to
Ioan Lahovary, head of the Bucharest Conservative Club. This time around, it was accepted. At the time, Carp's son Grigore was also coming under attack from the political opposition.
Furnica, the satirical magazine, accused Carp Sr of
nepotism, noting that Grigore had taken a position of power inside the Bucharest bureaucracy. Although he was no longer on speaking terms with Carp, Maiorescu valued his hard-line stance on the sensitive land reform issue, and, as new National Liberal cabinet was in the making, urged Carol to accept Carp as Leader of the Opposition. Unlike Carp, Maiorescu had already decided to retire, but only did so when he made sure that his disciple Marghiloman would succeed him (June 1914).
World War I hawk The start of
World War I in August 1914 was a moment of deep crisis for Romania. The country was still aligned with the
Central Powers, through the Triple Alliance, but the Romanian public was largely supporting the
Entente Powers. Going against the grain, Carp was for honoring the previous commitment, asking for Romania to declare war on the Entente, and therefore on Russia. He and King Carol were the only two statesmen who supported that option during the Crown Council of August 3, where a majority decided in favor of prolonged neutrality. The king and his former minister were saddened by the circumstances of their defeat: when Carp stated that the majority was legitimate but regrettable, Carol shook his hand and called him "a true statesman". Carol died on September 27, and was succeeded by his nephew
Ferdinand I. Between March 1915 and August 1916, with private German funding, Carp put out the political newspaper
Moldova, which popularized his take on the war, and, as historian
Ion Bulei writes, "was entirely against the nation's current." Carp again advised against war on the Central Powers for the taking of Transylvania: "If we take Transylvania and lose the Mouths of the Danube, we are lost and so is Transylvania. If, on the other hand, we extend our borders to the
Dniester, the Transylvania issue will be there to solve for future generations, with ease and without going into conflict with the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Such ideas were also being expressed by other
Moldova collaborators. The paper postulated that "Germany is invincible", and that national unity "can only begin with the liberation of Bessarabia". Other interventions were signed by Negruzzi,
Andrei Corteanu,
Alexis Nour,
Radu Rosetti, and various pseudonymous authors. The Conservative Party was again divided, as an "Ententist" bloc emerged around Nicolae Filipescu; the most prominent and committed "Germanophiles" were Carp, Maiorescu, Th. Rosetti and Marghiloman. Within the latter camp, Carp was the more radical, for demanding a quick intervention. He continuously warned that the reported sufferings of the Transylvanian folk were a minor issue when compared with the need to preserve Romania's independence. This notion was expressed in his last speech to Parliament, a reply to Take Ionescu's pro-Entente rhetoric (December 1915)—as various commentators have noted, it was not Carp's greatest proof of elocution. Others, however, deem it "memorable", or at least "remarkable". In January 1916,
Moldova came out under the headline "We Want War with Russia". The Maiorescu-Marghiloman faction opted instead for friendly neutrality—they only envisaged active participation if the Austrians were to hand over
Bukovina region, and if the legal status of Transylvanian Romanians would be improved. Sources record Marghiloman's attempt to mediate a new understanding between Carp and Maiorescu, rejected by Carp with the words: "Never, nothing with Maiorescu." The Entente's envoy
Carlo Fasciotti perceived Maiorescu as more flexible, and repeatedly tried to talk him out of Germanophile politics.
Carp and the German occupation after the 1918 peace. Romania as one of the client states (in cyan''), extending into the western half of
Bessarabia In the second half of 1916, the Germanophile option was ruled out by Premier Ion I. C. Brătianu. With Ferdinand's acquiescence, Brătianu signed the
secret treaty of Bucharest, which attached Romania to the Entente and promised her the annexation of Transylvania and Bukovina (
see Romania in World War I). The news was communicated to the country's statesmen at a new Crown Council, on August 27, 1916. There followed a heated exchange between Carp and the King, as witnessed by the other participants—including arch-rival Take Ionescu, who noted "[Carp] is Shakespearean in his error." Prophesying defeat, Carp brought into discussion Ferdinand's German (
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen) lineage. To his "No Hohenzollern was ever defeated", Ferdinand tacitly acknowledged the issue: "I have already defeated one" (that is, himself). Carp then shocked the audience by stating: "I shall pray to God that the Romanian army be defeated", or, "I wish you'd be vanquished, for your victory would mean the country's destruction and demise." Sources also diverge on what Carp said next. One story is that he promised to sacrifice his sons for a cause he did not believe in, by allowing them to be drafted into the Romanian military. According to others, what he actually meant was that the three young men would be serving the Central Powers. Through negotiator
Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș, the invading force initially called on Carp and Maiorescu to join their effort of pacifying Romania; both
Junimists promptly rejected this offer. Carp himself referred to the project as "nonsense", and bluntly refused to be contacted by Maiorescu for further deliberation on the subject. The exercise of powers by the new apparatus varied greatly: Kostaki, appointed
Verweser (temporary administrator) at the Interior Ministry, could only advise on some policy matters, while
Al. C. Hinna had a free say in organizing the Justice department. Carp did not hold an official post, but he was the
éminence grise, arranging the removal of most bureaucrats who had been left behind by the Brătianu cabinet, or drafting plans for a future Carp cabinet in conversations with German military ruler
August von Mackensen. The proposed government was to include Kostaki, Barnoschi, Radu Rosetti and
Dimitrie S. Nenițescu, alongside zoologist
Grigore Antipa and Colonel
Victor Verzea. The Carpists were still committed to the cause of Bessarabia, and Kostaki assured his backers that, with German help, the province would eventually be made part of Romania. Early in 1917, Carp's son in law, Colonel
Alexandru D. Sturdza, deserted from the Moldavian front and made his way to Bucharest. He claimed that Russia had effectively occupied Moldavia, and wanted to organize a rival Romanian Army to liberate Iași. Some sources state that Carp immediately repudiated him upon arrival, In summer 1917, Lupu Kostaki issued a document popularly known under the archaic, and possibly mocking, title of
Pantahuza ("The
Encyclical"). It was in effect a list of signatures for creating a Carp dictatorship upon the end of war, and its social impact, even in the context of occupation, was minor. Meanwhile, plagued by heart trouble and depression, Maiorescu died, an event which pushed
Junimism farther on the road to collapse. Carp made a point of not attending his rival's funeral, commenting: "Why should I pay Maiorescu a courtesy visit that he will never be able to return?"
1918 reversal and Carp's death By early 1918, the government in Iași was experiencing a major military crisis. The
October Revolution and the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk took Russia out of the war, and Ferdinand eventually appointed Marghiloman Premier, allowing him to sign Romania's disadvantageous
peace with Germany. Carp, together with the Germanophile diplomat
Ioan C. Filitti, also attempted to take part in brokering this deal, but found the treaty to be very unfair toward his defeated country. Meanwhile, in March, the Bessarabian
Moldavian Democratic Republic entered a
union with Romania, which, to his contemporaries, seemed to confirm that Carp had been right about the outcome of war. Later, some Carpists joined Marghiloman's administration as it attempted to restore order in the land, but most continued to campaign for their own leader to take hold of government. On Carp's
namesday (June 29, 1918), he received an
open letter, signed by 40 of his supporters, describing him as a providential figure, and calling on him to fulfill his political mission of governing Romania. In addition to senior Carpists, the signers included poet
Alexandru Macedonski and Caragiale's two sons,
Mateiu and
Luca. On Marghiloman's list, Carp was elected deputy in the
legislative election of 1918. However, he chose not to take part in proceedings, and his seat was left vacant. His political line was expressed by means of a new gazette,
Renașterea ("The Renaissance"), published by Nenițescu with assistance from Kostaki, Radu Rosetti,
Alexandru Al. Beldiman and
Ion Gorun.
Renașterea went down in late November 1918, shortly after the unexpected
Armistice with Germany sealed the fate of Germanophiles and brought the Ententists back into focus. The new context again cemented the Ententists' reputation: the country, now joined with Bessarabia, became
Greater Romania when the Romanian Transylvanians voted for
their own union act, and Bukovina too was incorporated. The developments perplexed Carp, leaving him to comment: "Romania is so lucky, that she can do without her statesmen." By early 1919, he was living in seclusion at his Țibănești manor. During May, the King's Commissioner began an investigation into Germanophile activities, questioning Carp about his wartime activities, and, more insistently, about those of his disciples. This action sparked protests in the media. Even the formerly Ententist
Adevărul daily noted, through
Constantin Costa-Foru, that the effort to make Carp incriminate himself was "a despicable calumny." Similarly, the
Bucovina gazette of
Iancu Flondor and
Pamfil Șeicaru expressed concern that "a moribund" was being hassled while "so many common delinquents roam free". According to Carp's own words: "We have entered the era of revenge acts initiated by scoundrels and nitwits." However, the National Liberal establishment was itself unsure about how to approach the Carp dilemma. Discussing the 1919 prosecutions in his later essays, PNL leader
Ion G. Duca asserted: "Should one have limited them to the Carpists? [...] Could one, in the name of holy justice, punish them, without also punishing Carp, their leader and inspiration? And would it have been politically sound to prosecute Carp, at his more than 80 years of age, after his 50 years of honest public life?" After illness, Petre P. Carp died in Țibănești, on June 19, 1919, being almost 82 years of age. In a
Bucovina epitaph, Șeicaru deplored the departure of one great "
reactionary", "a man of too great dimensions to be fighting against such small people". ==Political vision==