Zazas

The terms Dımli or Dımıli are often used for the Zaza people and their language. According to the long-proposed theory these terms evolved from the term Dailam or Daila. Alternatively this region is termed as Dailäm, Daylâm or Dailâm. Thus it is proposed that the origin of the Zaza people lies in the province of Dailam or Daylam in ancient Persia and modern northern Iran, close to the southern Caspian Sea. Clifford Edmund Bosworth, , David Neil MacKenzie, Garnik Asatrian and Victoria Arakelova and the Daylam thesis has been the most popular thesis regarding the origins of the Zaza people and the Zaza language since the first researchers of the Zaza language. Among their neighbors, the people are known mainly as Zāzā, which meant “stutterer” and was used as a pejorative. Hadank and Mckenzie attribute relative abundance of sibilants and affricates in the Zaza language to explain the semantic etymology of the name. Some have pointed out the phonetic similarity between the terms Dimili and Dunbuli. This connection is supported by several evidences, including the use of the terms Dummel or Zaza in Kurdistan to refer to the Azerbaijani Dunbuli tribe, historical records of the Dunbuli tribe migrating to Dersim during the reign of Shah Ismail, and documented evidence that the Dunbuli tribe in Palu spoke Zazaki. In some regions, the term Dunbuli is still used to refer to the Zazas. According to this view, the term Dimilî may derive from the name of the Dunbulî (also spelled Dumbulî), a Kurdish tribe documented since the 12th century. Karl Hadank, on the other hand, in his prominent work on Zaza, "Mundarten der Zâzâ" (1932), discusses the claimed relationship between Dimli and Dunbuli in detail over several pages, presents evidence from various historical sources and concludes that equating the Dunbuli with the Zaza is impossible, the term Dimli cannot be derived from the term Dunbuli and the Dimli people and the Dunbuli tribe are different. Eberhard Werner, in his anthropological work on Zazas also discusses the Dunbuli topic and concludes that there is little information as to whether the Dunbuli and the Dimili are the same and there is no single reference in Zaza oral traditions about the so-called Dunbuli move. The endonym Dımli/Dımıli and its derivations are primarily used for Southern Zaza. Zazas living in places such as Aksaray, Şanlıurfa, Siverek, Diyarbakır, Çüngüş, Adıyaman, Gerger and Mutki refer to themselves as Dımli/Dımıli, and refer to the Zaza language as Dımılki/Dımıli. At the same time, the same endonym Dımıl(ki) is also used in various regions among northern Alevi Zazas for the Zaza language. Zazas living in Elazığ, Palu, Maden, Alacakaya, Arıcak, Çermik, Bingöl, Varto, and Sivas-Koçgiri regions refer to themselves as Zaza and refer to the Zaza language as Zazaki. The endonym Zaza is found in all dialects of the Zaza language. While almost all Zazas who speak the central dialect of Zaza refer to themselves as Zaza and refer to their language as Zazaki, in places such as Palu, Bingöl and Dicle, the endonym of Kırd, along with Zaza, is also found to a limited extent. A part of Alevi Zazas refer to themselves as Kırmanc and refer to their language as Kırmancki, even though the endonym Dımılki is also known among the older generation Alevi Zazas. A second part of Alevi Zazas living in regions such as Bingöl, Erzurum and Varto, instead of a special designation, refer to the Zaza language as "zonê ma" which means "our language" and they refer to themselves as "şarê ma", which means "our people". == History ==

Origins and early history The most important theory regarding the origin of the Zazas is that they are originally Daylamites from the Daylam region. Since the first modern studies on the Zaza language, this theory has been supported by many different scholars. According to this theory, the Zazas migrated from the southern shores of the Caspian Sea to Eastern Anatolia, along with other communities. Linguistic evidence put the linguistic homeland of the Zaza language to Northern Iran, especially around the southern Caspian region due to the strong linguistic affinity between the Zaza, Tati, Talysh, Gilaki and Mazanderani languages. The etymology of the endonym Dimlī and the historical records of migration from Daylam to Anatolia in Armenian sources are also adduced as an evidence of Daylamite origins of the Zaza people. Scholars believe that the Zaza migration occurred between the 9th/10th and 12th centuries AD, during the Daylamite expansion. In the early 20th century, Armenian representatives at the Paris Peace Conference, in the memorandum they submitted to the conference on the Armenian Question, again defined the Zazas as one of the indigenous peoples of Greater Armenia. Similarly, in 1878, following the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878), regarding the Armenians' situation in the peace treaty process, the Zazas are listed as one of the indigenous peoples of Western Armenia again. The fact that Zazas and Armenians have lived together in the same areas for centuries has led to the Zaza language, especially its northern dialect, being influenced by the Armenian language. About the language, the earliest surviving literary works in the Zaza language are two poems with identical titles, Mawlūd, dating from the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the 1920s and 1930s, several Zaza rebellions occurred in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia. In the Koçgiri region, some Alevi Zazas participated in the Koçgiri rebellion in 1920. Later, during the Sheikh Said rebellion in 1925, the Zaza Sheikh Said and his supporters rebelled against the newly established Republic because of its Turkish nationalist and secular ideology. The rebellion was later suppressed. Some Zazas subsequently joined the Kurmanji-speaking Kurdish nationalist Xoybûn, the Society for the Rise of Kurdistan, and other movements, where they often rose to prominence. In 1937, during the Dersim rebellion, Alevi Zazas in the region rebelled against the newly established Republic. The rebellion was led by Seyid Riza and was suppressed by the government of the Republic, ended with a massacre of thousands of Kurmanji-speaking Kurds and Zaza civilians, while many were internally displaced due to the conflict. Sakine Cansız, a Zaza from Tunceli, was a founding member of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), and like many Zazas joined the rebels, including the prominent Besê Hozat. Following the 1980 Turkish coup d'état, many intellectual minorities, including Zazas, emigrated from Turkey towards Europe, Australia and the United States. == Demographics and geographical distribution ==

. The exact number of the Zazas is unknown, due to the absence of recent and extensive census data. The last census on language in Turkey was held in 1965, where 150,644 people ticked Zaza as their first language and 112,701 as their second language. More recent data from 2005 suggests that the Zaza-speaking population varies from approximately 2 to 4 million. According to a 2015 study that examined the demographics of the voting-age population in the Kurdish inhabited areas in Turkey (Northeast, Central East and Southeast Anatolia statistical regions, n=1918) 12.8% of the people ethnically identified as Zaza, which made Zaza the biggest ethnic identity after Kurdish (73%) in the region. Zaza speakers were more numerous (15%) compared to people who identify with the Zaza ethnic identity, showing that some Zaza speakers identified as other ethnicities, primarily Kurds. Following the 1980 Turkish coup d'état, many intellectual minorities, including Zazas, emigrated from Turkey towards Europe, Australia and the United States. The largest part of the Zaza diaspora is in Europe, predominantly in Germany. == Culture ==

Language Zaza is the ancestral language of the Zaza people and belongs to the Northwestern Iranian branch of the Iranian languages. The Zaza language is recognized as a macrolanguage by international linguistic authorities. SIL International classifies the Zaza language as a macrolanguage, including the varieties of Southern Zaza (diq) and Northern Zaza (kiu). Other international linguistic authorities, Ethnologue and Glottolog, also categorize the Zaza language as a macrolanguage composed of two distinct individual languages: Southern Zaza and Northern Zaza. A study published in 2015 that demographically analysed voting-age adults in the Kurdish inhabited regions of Turkey (excluding diaspora) concluded that 96.2% of people who identified as Zaza, but not Kurdish in the region spoke Zazaki as their mother tongue. On the contrary only 58.4% of the surveyed Zaza people declared that their primary home language was Zazaki, and Turkish was the second most popular home language with 38.3% of Zazas speaking it at their homes. 1.9% of the surveyed people who identified as Zaza expressed that their home language was Kurdish. Around 1.4% people belonging to Kurdish ethnic identity also spoke Zazaki as their mother language. Concerning Alevis, which were separately analysed, c. 70% spoke Zazaki, but Turkish (70%) was the dominant household language. Ziflioğlu states that many Zazas only speak Kurmanji. The first written statements in the Zaza language were compiled by the linguist Peter Lerch in 1850. Two other important documents are the religious writings of Ehmedê Xasi of 1898, and of Osman Efendîyo Babij; both of these works were written in Arabic script. The state-owned TRT Kurdî airs shows in Zaza. During the 1980s, the Zaza language became popular among the Zaza diaspora, followed by publications in Zaza in Turkey. Religion Zazas are predominantly Muslims and are divided between Sunni Islam and Alevism. Alevi Zazas share a more homogeneous sectarian affiliation, Sunni Zazas, on the other hand, are divided into the Hanafi and Shafi'i schools of thought. The sectarian divisions among the Zaza people are reflected in the three primary dialects of the Zaza language. The geographical distribution of the primary Zaza dialects aligns closely with the Zaza sectarian divisions. The Southern Zaza group who speak the more archaic Southern Zaza are Sunni Muslims following the teaching of the Hanafi school, in contrast to the Kurds who are predominantly Shafi'i. The eastern group who speak the eastern dialect of Zaza is predominantly Shafi'i, similar to Kurds. Sunni Zazas, similar to Sunni Talysh who speak a related language are mostly Naqshbandi. The northern group who speak the northern dialect of Zaza adheres to the Alevi faith. The exact number of Hanafi, Shafi'i and Alevi Zazas is unknown. Various field studies conducted in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia estimate the percentage of Shafi'i Zazas to be between 61.72% and 75.4%; the percentage of Hanafi Zazas to be between 9.8% and 21.12% and the percentage of Alevi Zazas to be between 14.8% and 17,14%. Alevism is the second largest Islamic sect among Zazas with 14.8% to 17,14% adhering it and Zazas had the highest Alevi percentage among any group by far, being followed by Turks (5.4%) and Kurds (3.1%). Zaza Alevism, as has been long documented, is a heterodox and mystical belief system incorporating many local and natural elements. And various scholars consider Zazas as separate ethnic group distinct from the Kurds and treat them as such in their academic work. According to a national survey conducted by KONDA Research and Consultancy in 2019 around 1.5% of the population state "Zaza" as their ethnic identity, thus forming the fourth largest ethnic identity in the country. According to a 2015 survey conducted in Turkish Kurdistan among voting-age adults, the majority of the Zazaki-speakers ethnically identified as "Zaza" in contrast to other options such as Kurdish, Turkish and Arabic. Gağand and Serra Newe are the New Year celebrations of the Zazas and Kormışkan and Hewtemal are spring festivals of the Zazas. While some of these feasts are celebrated by all Zazas, some are celebrated by Alevi or Sunni Zazas, depending on sectarian difference. • Kormışkan and Hewtemal: Both are Zaza spring festivals celebrated in March. Kormışkan is celebrated by the Sunni Zazas and its equivalent, Hewtemal is celebrated by the Alevi Zazas. Hewtemal is divided into three sub-celebrations: the Pil one, the Qıc one, and the Peyen one. During these festivals, the Zaza people celebrate the arrival of spring with various activities, such as going out into nature and having picnics. • Gağand and Serra Newe: Both are the New Year festivals of the Zazas, celebrated in December/January. Both of the festivals are celebrated throughout all Zaza regions. Serra Newe is celebrated by Sunni Zazas and its equivalent, Gağand is generally celebrated among Alevi Zazas and some Sunni Zazas. During the festival, children, dressed in their finest clothes and accompanied by Khalo Gağan (the Old Man), visit every neighbor's door, greet them and receive gifts. == Politics ==

Politically, Zazas belonging to Alevism and Sunnism generally hold widely different views from each other. Since 2002 elections Sunni Zazas mostly voted for ruling Justice and Development Party both nationally and locally, meanwhile Alevi Zazas have shown wide support for left-wing or Kurdish-oriented parties, namely HDP and CHP. For the presidential elections Sunni Zazas were reported to be voting for Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in contrast to the Alevis who mostly supported HDP's candidate Selahattin Demirtaş. Alevi-majority Tunceli is the only province in Turkey that has ever elected a mayor belonging to the Communist Party of Turkey. Many Zaza politicians are also to be found in the fraternal Kurdish parties of the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and Democratic Regions Party (DBP), like Selahattin Demirtaş, Aysel Tuğluk, Ayla Akat Ata and Gültan Kışanak. On the other hand, Zazas who have publicly stated that they do not consider themselves Kurdish include Hüseyin Aygün, a CHP politician from Tunceli. Especially in recent years, the Zaza language and cultural associations have become widespread, the establishment of the Federation of Zaza Associations and the establishment of the Democracy Time Party have started to adopt Zaza identity more. Selahattin Demirtaş is also Zaza and can speak fluent Zazaki, and identifies as a Zaza Kurd. His brother, Nurettin Demirtaş, is a senior PKK member. The first Zaza-oriented political party in the history of Turkey was established in 2017 under the name "Zaza People's Party" and later changed its name to Democracy Time Party (Turkish: Demokrasi Zamanı Partisi) due to legal restrictions on ethnicity-based parties. Zaza nationalism Zaza nationalism is an ideology that supports the preservation of Zaza people between Turks and Kurds in Turkey. Turkish nationalist Hasan Reşit Tankut proposed in 1961 to create a corridor between Zaza-speakers and Kurmanji-speakers to hasten Turkification. In some cases in the diaspora, Zazas turned to this ideology because of the more visible differences between them and Kurmanji-speakers. Zaza nationalism was further boosted when Turkey abandoned its assimilatory policies which made some Zazas begin considering themselves as a separate ethnic group. In the diaspora, some Zazas turned to Zaza nationalism in the freer European political climate. On this, Ebubekir Pamukchu, the founder of the Zaza national movement stated: "From that moment I became Zaza." Zaza nationalists fear Turkish and Kurdish influence and aim at protecting Zaza culture and language rather than seeking any kind of autonomy within Turkey. According to researcher Ahmet Kasımoğlu, Zaza nationalism is a Turkish and Armenian attempt to divide Kurds. == Genetics ==

A 2005 study genetically examined three different groups of Zaza (n= 27) and Kurmanji speakers in Turkey and Kurmanji speakers in Georgia. In the study, mtDNA HV1 sequences, eleven Y chromosome bi-allelic markers and 9 Y-STR loci were analyzed to investigate lineage relationship among these Iranian-speaking groups. According to study 8 different Y-DNA haplogroups have been identified among the Zaza speakers; I* (33.3%), R1a1a (25.9%), E* (11.1%) and R1* (11.1%) being the most prevalent ones. Haplogroups P1 and J2, which were found to be prevalent among differing Kurdish populations, were absent in Zaza speakers. Y chromosome data showed somewhat different patterns, indicating some effect of geography. Kurmanji speakers and Zaza speakers in Turkey, who are geographic neighbours, were found to be closer to each other compared to the Georgian and Turkmen Kurds according to Y-DNA data. MtDNA data indicates close relationships among Zaza speaking groups from Turkey and Kurdish people from Georgia, Iran and Eastern Turkey, meanwhile the examined Kurmanji speakers in Turkey and Turkmenistan were different from these groups and each other maternally. Geographic neighbours of Zazas from South Caucasus are also found to be similar concerning mtDNA results. It was stated that there was no clear geographic or linguistic pattern concerning matrilineal origins of examined Iranian-speakers. Another phenomenon found in the research was that Zazas are closer to Kurdish groups (matrilineally South Caucasian groups, patrilineally Kurmanji speakers in Turkey) rather than peoples of Northern Iran, where ancestral Zaza language hypothesized to be spoken before its spread to Anatolia. It was also stated that "the genetic evidence of course does not preclude a northern Iranian origin for the Zazaki language itself." == See also ==