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Peshmerga

The Peshmerga are the internal security forces of the Kurdistan Region. According to the Constitution of Iraq, federal regions are responsible for "the establishment and organization of the internal security forces for the respective regions, such as police, security forces, and regional guards." Other security institutions of the Kurdistan Region include the Zêrevanî (gendarmerie), Asayish, Parastin u Zanyarî and the Kurdish police force. The modern Peshmerga were established in 1946 as the national army of the Mahabad republic. However, the history of Kurdish armed fighters dates back to antiquity and was partly organized in the 16th to 19th century, when they served as soldiers for various Kurdish tribal leaders and principalities, as well as tribal paramilitary border guards under Ottoman and Safavid rule. By the 20th century, these forces had evolved into a more disciplined and organized guerrilla movement fighting for the independence of Kurdistan, and in the 21st century they were institutionalized under the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).

Etymology
The word "Peshmerga" can be translated to "to stand in front of death", and Valentine states it was first used by Qazi Muhammad in the short-lived Mahabad Republic (1946–47). The word is understandable to Persian speakers. Because, the name was also used to refer to an elite unit within the Sassanid Empire's military, specifically a sub-unit of the Pushtigban, called the Gyan-avspar. These warriors were renowned for their unwavering loyalty and bravery, often serving as the last line of defense for the Sassanid kings. == History ==
History
Long before the establishment of the Peshmerga, Kurdish fighters were known in the Middle East for their military traditions and use of guerrilla tactics. In antiquity, Babylonian sources from around the 7th century BC referred to the inhabitants of the mountains of what is now southern Kurdistan as Qutil. The term has been suggested to derive from the Akkadian word qardu and the Persian word gurd, both of which are associated with meanings such as "hero" or "warrior." Conflicts between these presumed proto-Kurdish mountain communities and the peoples of Lower Mesopotamia are documented in pre-Biblical sources and are regarded as some of the earliest examples of guerrilla-style warfare in the region. From the 16th to the 19th century, Kurdish fighters served under various tribal leaders and principalities, and sometimes as paramilitary border guards under Ottoman and Safavid rule, while also participating in the regular armies of these empires. Under the Kurdish Zand dynasty, women were allowed to serve alongside their husbands, reflecting a level of gender equality more common in Kurdish societies than in neighboring Muslim communities. Building on the military experience gained during these uprisings, Mustafa Barzani later organized Kurdish forces in order to liberate Kurdistan. In 1943, he led approximately 2,000 Kurdish fighters in an uprising against the Iraqi Army and British forces, an event often regarded as a precursor to the modern Peshmerga forces that would later emerge, particularly during the period of the Republic of Mahabad. Furthermore, under president Qazi Muhammad’s orders, a committee of “hand-picked litterateurs and writers” also developed distinct Kurdish military terminology to define ranks and positions. Fall of the republic The withdrawal of Soviet support and the subsequent collapse of the republic, including the execution of its head of state, Qazi Muhammad, dismantled the Peshmerga's organization, who had agreed with the Iranians to peacefully withdraw from the capital of Mahabad, to avoid civilians casualties. Peshmerga forces led by Barzani remained active in rural areas of Iranian Kurdistan for a period following the collapse of the republic and engaged Iranian Army units in March 1947. During these clashes, the Peshmerga reportedly inflicted significant casualties and captured several Iranian officers, particularly during the Battle of Nalos, including Lieutenant Jahanbani, the son of General Nader Jahanbani. The war resulted in the signing of the Iraqi–Kurdish Autonomy Agreement between the Kurds and the Ba'athist regime, which had replaced Qasim in 1963. Kurdish autonomy had failed to be implemented by 1974, which led to the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War in 1975. Jalal Talabani, a leading member of the KDP, left the same year to revitalize the resistance and founded the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). This event created the baseline for the political discontent between the KDP and PUK that divides Peshmerga forces and much of Kurdish society to this day. After Mustafa Barzani's death in 1979, his son Masoud Barzani took over his position. (Raperîn) Following the First Gulf War, the 1991 uprisings (Raperîn) broke out, which led to de facto autonomy for the Kurdistan Region. Killed Peshmerga were commemorated as martyrs. The memory of killed, injured and veteran Peshmerga fighters became widespread in public life through paintings, sculptures, and memorials, as well as through regular representation on radio and television and in commemorative rituals. Most Kurdish collaborators were granted amnesty, and some were subsequently incorporated into the Peshmerga forces of their respective parties. The civil war officially ended in September 1998 when the Barzanis and Talabanis signed the Washington Agreement establishing a formal peace treaty. In the agreement, the parties agreed to share oil revenue and power, deny the use of Iraqi Kurdistan to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and to not allow Iraqi troops into the Kurdish regions. By then, around 5,000 Peshmerga and civilians had been killed on both sides, and many more had been evicted for being on the "wrong side". Throughout the decades of conflict, the Peshmerga were widely considered to be liberators of the Kurdish population. The CIA and other US special forces, who arrived in Iraq in early 2002, conducted unconventional warfare operations with the Peshmerga against Ansal al-Islam terrorists. Furthermore Peshmerga were organized to form a 'northern Front' against Saddam Hussein's troops. As the bombing campaign and subsequent invasion of Iraq began, Peshmerga forces, operating alongside U.S. Special Forces, advanced beyond the Kurdistan Region and took control of large areas that were widely regarded as Kurdish but had previously been outside Kurdish control. These areas included Sinjar, Tuz Khurmatu, Khanaqin, and Kirkuk. By tying down Saddam Hussein’s 5th Division in northern Iraq, the Peshmerga, helped facilitate the coalition’s invasion of southern Iraq and reduced the number of Iraqi forces available to oppose coalition operations elsewhere, likely saving hundreds if not thousands of lives. The Peshmerga also played a key role in helping the United States on the mission to capture Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein. After the overthrowing, the Peshmerga were politically recognized and obtained a special legal position. This improvement came from the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) with issuing orders that recognized the Peshmerga and exempted them from disbandment. In August 2003, parts of the Peshmerga were assigned to border security and oil pipeline protection, while others trained with coalition troops. Peshmerga units collaborated closely with U.S. forces on patrols, interrogations, and security missions. At one point, the Peshmerga made up 30% of the new Iraqi Army. Legal status of the Peshmerga Article 117 of the new 2005 Iraqi Constitution allowed federal regions (such as the Kurdistan Region) to establish their own internal security services; that is, the "police, security forces and guards of the region." The Peshmerga are legally recognized as one of these permissible regional internal security forces. In 2006, a major conference in Erbil, involving the KRG, Iraqi Government, and Multinational Forces in Iraq, further clarified the Peshmerga's role: defending the Kurdistan Region, supporting federal security efforts, fighting terrorism, and preserving constitutional institutions. and most Peshmerga fighters remained under the control of the KDP and PUK. . 2014 war against the Islamic State In the first half of 2014, during the Islamic State’s (ISIL/ISIS) offensive, the Iraqi Armed Forces rapidly collapsed in much of Sunni-majority western Iraq, leading to the fall of Mosul and other strategic areas. Peshmerga forces, many of whom had not experienced major combat for over a decade, swiftly moved into positions abandoned by Iraqi forces in disputed territories with significant Kurdish populations, including Sinjar, Jalawla, Tuz Khurmatu, Rabia and the oil-rich city of Kirkuk. Most of Iraqi Kurdistan's southern regions, including Jalawla, Tuz Khurmatu and Kirkuk remained under Peshmerga control until 2017 and were defended on numerous occasions against ISIS offensives. As stated by a report of the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, the Peshmerga are seen by locals as heroes due to their involvement in the fight against ISIS. Post-2017 reforms Following the defeat of ISIS in 2017, conflicts with the Iraqi government, supported by Shi'ite militas and the IRGC renewed, leading to the 2017 Iraqi–Kurdish conflict. Post-ISIS Peshmerga reforms focused on unification and modernization. In September 2022, the U.S. and KRG renewed a MoU to create a unified, nonpartisan force under MoPA command by 2026, including disbanding partisan Units 70 and 80, establishing two Area Commands and 11 light infantry divisions, and achieving a planned strength of 138,000. Advancements included the 2025 'Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative' and proposals for air defense systems. Continued Coalition support via CTEF provided stipends, vehicles, and equipment. ==Structure ==
Structure
Party affiliations The Peshmerga are mostly divided among forces loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), while other, minor Kurdish parties such as the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party also have their own small Peshmerga units. The Kurdistan Islamic Movement also had its own Peshmerga unit, which became an official Peshmerga branch during the Iran-Iraq war, and was disarmed in 2003. In daily life and the media, Peshmerga are referred to as Peshmerga i parti (KDP) or Peshmerga i yaketi (PUK) – i.e., KDP peshmerga or PUK Peshmerga. The KDP and PUK do not disclose information about the composition of their forces with government or media. The Peshmerga are divided into a KDP-governed "yellow" zone covering Dohuk Governorate and Erbil Governorate and a PUK-governed "green" zone covering Sulaymaniyah Governorate and Halabja Governorate. Unification efforts As a result of the split nature of the Peshmerga forces, there is no central command center in charge of the entire force, and Peshmerga units instead follow separate military hierarchies depending on political allegiance. Multiple unification and depoliticizing efforts of the Peshmerga have been made since 1992. Many deadlines have been missed, In 2016 and 2017, following the events of the Iraqi Civil War, the United States and several European nations pressured the PUK and KDP to set up more mixed brigades as a condition for aid and funding. The PUK and KDP united 12 to 14 brigades under the RGB, which were then placed under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs. In 2022, the KDP's 1st Support Force and the PUK's 2nd Support Force were integrated into the MoPA, a move described by Col. Todd Burroughs, deputy director of the US-led coalition's Military Advisor Group North, as a 'significant step in the Peshmerga reform process.' 2022 Memorandum of understanding A major step towards unification was reached in 2022, when a four-year memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the US Department of Defense and Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs was signed, outlining conditions and timelines for integration into MoPA, effective until September 2026. Future outlook In spite of all reforms, officers partially still continue to report to and take orders from their party leaders who also control the deployment of forces loyal to them and appoint front-line and sector commanders. Peshmerga officials repeatedly affirm that full unification will be completed by 2026, if not sooner and U.S. officials stress that they will continue supporting unifying efforts. Combat Forces Both the KDP and the PUK Peshmerga rely heavily on irregulars in times of conflict to increase their ranks. However, both maintain several professional military brigades. The Peshmerga forces are described as a secular force with a Muslim majority and smaller Assyrian, Chaldean Catholic, Yazidi, Shabak and Kaka'i units. Though some units are composed of minorities, they are not segregated and serve in regular infantry divisions too. In 2016 the MoPA intended to create a military division for the Arabs and Turkmen of Kirkuk Province, but financial difficulties halted the project. Most minority units have been formed, when the Peshmerga took over the disputed territories in the War against the Islamic State. The following units are affiliated with or have been identified within the Peshmerga force: Specialized Units The Peshmerga Media Cell is one of the specialized units of the MoPA. Established in January 2022, it was created to professionalize the force's information and media operations. The unit acts as the official channel for statements on Peshmerga activities, with responsibilities that include safeguarding operational security, protecting journalists reporting from conflict zones, and ensuring the dissemination of accurate information to local and international audiences. It has also received support from international coalition advisers in developing media and information management practices. 2025 Order of Battle (MoPA) Units reporting to the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs:Regional Guard Brigades • 1st Division • 14th Infantry Brigade • 21st Infantry Brigade (Dohuk) • 2nd Division • 4th Infantry Brigade • 1st Infantry Battalion (Kani Masi) • 6th Infantry Brigade (Kirkuk) • 22nd Infantry Brigade (Kirkuk) • 4th Infantry Division (not fully integrated yet) • 6th Infantry Division (not fully integrated yet) • 1st Support Forces Command2nd Support Forces Command • 1st Mortar Battalion (Unit 955) • Field Artillery Battalion (Unit 121) • Women's Artillery Battery • 107mm MLRS Artillery Battalion (Unit 101) • 1st 122mm MLRS Artillery Battalion (Unit 106) • 2nd 122mm MLRS Artillery Battalion (Unit 757) • 105mm Artillery Battalion (Unit 118) • Defence and Tasks Regiment (Unit 103) • Armored Battalion (Unit 104) • Transportation and Logistics Battalion (Unit 105) • Combat Engineering Battalion (Unit 545) • Mechanised Infantry Battalion (Unit 616) • Tank Battalion (Unit 617) • 1st AA Artillery Battalion (Unit 888) • Special Forces Unit • Tactical Company It is planned that by the end of 2026, the Regional Guard Brigades will make up 11 Peshmerga divisions in total. Peshmerga in the Iraqi Army Due to limited funding and the vast size of the Peshmerga forces, the KRG planned to downsize its forces from large numbers of low-quality forces to a smaller but much more effective and well-trained force. Consequently, in 2009, the KRG and Baghdad engaged in discussions about incorporating parts of the Peshmerga forces into the Iraqi Army in what would be the 15th and 16th Iraqi Army divisions. However, after increasing tension between Erbil and Baghdad regarding the disputed areas, the transfer was largely put on hold. Some Peshmerga were already transferred but reportedly deserted again, and there are allegations that former Peshmerga forces remained loyal to the KRG rather than their Iraqi chain of command; regardless, thousands of members of the 80 Unit of KDP and the 70 Unit of PUK are based in Baghdad and cooperate well with other Iraqi forces. The Presidential Peshmerga Brigade of the PUK was stationed in Baghdad and paid by the Iraqi government during the presidency of Jalal Talabani. Officers can be promoted by the President of the Kurdistan Region for outstanding military and civil achievements. == Inventory and capabilities ==
Inventory and capabilities
Peshmerga forces largely rely on old arms captured from battles. The Peshmerga captured large stockpiles of weapons during the 1991 Iraqi uprisings. Several stockpiles of weapons were captured from the old Iraqi Army during the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, in which Peshmerga forces were active. Following the retreat of the new Iraqi Army during the June 2014 Islamic State offensive, Peshmerga forces reportedly again managed to get hold of weapons left behind by the Iraqis. Since August 2014, Peshmerga forces have also captured weapons from the Islamic State.The Peshmerga arsenal is limited and confined by restrictions because the Kurdish Region has to purchase arms through the Iraqi government. Due to disputes between the KRG and the Iraqi government, arms flows from Baghdad to Kurdistan Region have been almost nonexistent, as Baghdad fears Kurdish aspirations for independence. However, Kurdish officials and Peshmerga stressed that they were not receiving enough and Baghdad was blocking arms from reaching the KRG, emphasizing the need for weapons to be sent directly and not through Baghdad. Despite this, the United States has maintained that the government of Iraq is responsible for the security of Iraqi Kurdistan and that Baghdad must approve all military aid. The Peshmerga lack a proper medical corps and communication units. Some Peshmerga of the MoPA have also been trained by American private military contractors like DynCorp. By 2025, advancements included the Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative to address field hospital shortages. ==Issues==
Issues
Peshmerga has been accused of corruption, partisanship, nepotism and fraud. The Peshmerga was accused of listing "ghost employees" who do not exist or do not show up for work, but receive salaries. Those setting up the scam split the salary with these employees. Concerns about persistent partisanship remain. In 2025, U.S. reports expressed frustration over stalled unification due to party lines, despite commitments. ==Role of women==
Role of women
Historic involvement ' (YPG) woman volunteer with Peshmerga soldier Women have played a significant role in the Peshmerga since its foundation, compared to other Middle Eastern militaries. The Kurdish Zand tribe was known for allowing women in military roles. The PUK later confirmed that female Kurdish fighters had participated in the operation. The number of women increased significantly during the war against ISIS due to a shortage of manpower and the desire for revenge. In the KDP, these Peshmerga women have been refused access to the frontline and are mostly used in logistics and management positions, while PUK Peshmerga women are deployed on the front lines and are actively engaging in combat. She was nicknamed "Joan of Arc of Kurdistan" for the courage she displayed in combat. In 1995 Colonel Nahida Rashid created the first women's Peshmerga unit. Other well known female Peshmergas are Hero Ibrahim Ahmad, Amineh Kakabaveh, Pakhshan Zangana, and Kafiya Suleiman. == Gallery ==
Gallery
File:Peshmerga near Syria - June 23, 2014.jpg|Peshmerga Special Forces gathered near the Syrian border in 2014 File:Kurdistan army (Peshmerga Image).jpg|Peshmerga soldiers in ceremonial gear File:Peshmerga parade.jpg|Peshmerga Parade File:Coalition Advisors Look Ahead with Peshmerga 1st Support Forces Command (8869305).jpg|Peshmerga meet Anti-IS Coalition advisors ==References==
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