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Popular assembly

A popular assembly is a gathering called to address issues of importance to participants. Popular assemblies tend to be freely open to participation, in contrast to elected assemblies and randomly-selected citizens' assemblies, and are a form of direct democracy. Some popular assemblies consist of people invited from a location, while others invite them from a workplace, industry, educational establishment or protest movement. Some are called to address a specific issue, while others have a wider scope.

Overview
Popular assemblies have a long history. The most famous example in ancient times is the Athenian democracy, where an assembly open to all male citizens was the highest decision-making body in the city-state. A few types of popular assembly dating from pre-modern times have survived and continued to hold binding decision-making powers in the present day, such as the town meetings of New England and the Landsgemeinden in Switzerland. Popular assemblies have also arisen during periods of revolutionary turmoil, such as the Russian revolutions in 1905 and in 1917, as well as Catalonia in 1936 and Hungary in 1956. Local meetings are common in modern times, but usually only have a consultative role. Graham Smith argues: Participatory budgeting, first developed in Porto Alegre, Brazil during the 1990s, uses popular assemblies as part of its direct democratic approach of allocating part of the local budget. Beginning in 2011, some protest movements such as the anti-austerity movement in Spain and Occupy movement have used assemblies of their participants to guide their decision-making. In academic writings, the devolution of power to local popular assemblies has been advocated by Murray Bookchin, Benjamin Barber == Traditional and historical examples ==
Traditional and historical examples
Athens , the meeting place for the Athenian popular assembly In Athenian democracy the ecclesia was the assembly which was open to all male citizens, about 30 percent of the city-state's adult population. The assembly could attract large audiences: 6,000 citizens might have attended in Athens during the fifth century BC out of the estimated 30,000–60,000 eligible citizens. The assembly was responsible for declaring war, military strategy and electing the strategoi and other officials. It had the final say on legislation and the right to call magistrates to account after their year of office. The reforms of Solon gave them responsibility for nominating and electing magistrates (archons), though this had been replaced by 487 BC with sortition by lot. The assembly was supervised by the boule, a council of 400–500, whose most important role was to prepare the assembly's agenda. The boule was selected by soritition, among wealthy men above the age of 30. These assemblies did not initiate or debate proposals, but listened to statements from appointed speakers and voted on proposals. The oldest assembly was the Curiate Assembly, which was founded during the Kingdom. It did not operate on a one man, one vote principle. Instead, each citizen was assigned to a grouping called a curia, and majorities of participants in a majority of curiae were necessary to approve a decision, regardless on whether it was supported by an overall majority of participants. The Centuriate Assembly and Tribal Assembly developed later and operated with a similar system but based on different groupings. Assemblies were dominated by the wealthier classes, as only they could devote time to participating, and they were overrepresented further by the grouping-based voting systems. The Curiate Assembly was already largely ceremonial in the middle of the Republican period, and the late Republic saw a decline of the assemblies' roles. Their last effective powers were abolished during the Roman Empire, with the second Roman emperor, Tiberius, transferring them to the Senate. Frank Abbott attributes their decline to the transformation of the Roman state from a city-state to an empire; they no longer represented its population and representing the rest of the empire was impractical. They remain a characteristic symbol of Swiss democracy. A few districts (between municipal and cantonal levels) in Grisons and Schwyz also have a Lansgemeinde. The retained Landsgemeinden each co-exist with an elected council and their powers and role vary according to the cantonal or local government's constitution. Approving a proposal requires a majority vote and is typically done with a show of hands. The lack of a secret ballot is controversial, including the question as to whether it is compatible with Article 21.3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Proposals to reform the Landsgemeinden that have been discussed but not implemented include secret electronic ballots and improving the preliminary debate. Popular assemblies are more common at a municipal level. The vast majority of small municipalities in Switzerland feature a town meeting (Gemeindeversammlung) as part of their governance structure, though they are rare in municipalities with a population over 10,000. As of 2020, some of the larger municipalities with a town meeting include Rapperswil-Jona, Baar and Horgen, each with a population in the 20,000-30,000 range. Although larger towns have since moved to more representative forms of government, it is still widely practiced in smaller and more rural communities. They commonly meet once a year on a Tuesday in March. Their exact role and functioning can vary considerably by town, as well as by state. Since the turn of the nineteenth century, political scientists have characterized New England's town meetings as a notable example of direct democracy. Others question their ability to represent the population. Jane Mansbridge and Donald L. Robinson have argued that town meetings in Vermont and Massachusetts feature extremely low turnout in part because they last for a full working day, thus overrepresentating seniors and non-working residents in the meetings. Mansbridge also notes differences in participation on the basis of education and class when conflicts arise, writing that "the face-to-face assembly lets those who have no trouble speaking defend their interests; it does not give the average citizen comparable protection." The similarly named town hall meeting, where politicians meet with their constituents and discuss issues, is named after and meant to resemble the town meeting. ==Modern examples==
Modern examples
Argentine economic crisis (1999–2002) During the Argentine economic crisis (1999–2002) many Argentinian citizens started engaging and organising their actions through assemblies. After closure, the Chilvert printing press was occupied by workers who organised through an assembly. Within weeks of being reopened as a workers cooperative Chilvert printed a book called Que son las Asembleas Populares? or What are the Popular Assemblies?, Elsewhere in Mexico, the town of Cherán saw armed citizens kick out the corrupt police, drug cartels, and mayor in 2011. Since then they have adopted a system of popular assemblies to govern the town, which is somewhat independent of the central government. Occupy Movement on October 8, 2011 The 2011 Occupy Movement used assemblies of its participants, known as general assemblies (GAs), as its principal decision-making bodies. They also used smaller working groups to provide in-depth discussion. Larger assemblies restricted speaking to designated spokespeople for the working groups, but other participants could still show their opinion with hand signals. Anthropologist David Graeber has suggested the use of assemblies was a key reason why the Occupy movement gained momentum, in contrast to many other attempts to start a movement in the aftermath of the Great Recession, which used more standard methods of organization but which all failed to get off the ground. There has been some criticism of the model, especially concerning the time it takes to form consensus about specific demands. The specific forms used at the London GA have been criticized for the fact that they allow even a single participant to block consensus, in contrast to GAs in the United States where some require a minimum of 10% of participants to block a motion in order to prevent it being passed. Nathan Schneider has suggested that an issue with assemblies is that to some extent they are incompatible with traditional political groups such as parties, unions and civil society NGOs – which is problematic as they need to liaise with these groups to get their message actualized. Syria The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, also known as Rojava, is an administration whose policy ambitions to a large extent on democratic libertarian socialist ideology of democratic confederalism. The theory was outlined by Abdullah Öcalan, who was influenced by Murray Bookchin. They have been described as pursuing a model of economy that blends co-operative and market enterprise, through a system of popular assemblies to provide minority, cultural and religious representation. The DAANES has by far the highest average salaries and standard of living throughout Syria, with salaries being twice as large as in regime-controlled Syria; following the collapse of the Syrian pound the DAANES doubled salaries to maintain inflation, and allow for good wages. See alsoBolivarian CirclesEuropean Assembly for Climate Justice 2010 • 15M movement assemblies 2011–2015 ==Outcomes==
Outcomes
It is unclear if traditional popular assemblies such as those in Switzerland offer better inclusivity and fosters a higher level of participation than more conventional secret-ballot voting methods. Paul Lucardie (2014) notes for example that: ==See also==
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