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Proto-Celtic language

Proto-Celtic, or Common Celtic, is the reconstructed ancestral proto-language of all known Celtic languages, and a descendant of Proto-Indo-European. It is not attested in writing but has been partly reconstructed through the comparative method. Proto-Celtic is generally thought to have been spoken between 1300 and 800 BC, after which it began to split into different languages. Proto-Celtic is often associated with the Urnfield culture and particularly with the Hallstatt culture. Celtic languages share common features with Italic languages that are not found in other branches of Indo-European, suggesting the possibility of an earlier Italo-Celtic linguistic unity.

Dating
Proto-Celtic is usually dated to the Late Bronze Age, ca. 1200–900 BC. The fact that it is possible to reconstruct a Proto-Celtic word for 'iron' (traditionally reconstructed as ) has long been taken as an indication that the divergence into individual Celtic languages did not start until the Iron Age (8th century BC to 1st century BC); otherwise, descendant languages might have developed their own, unrelated words for the metal. However, Schumacher and Schrijver suggest a date for Proto-Celtic as early as the 13th century BC, the time of the Canegrate culture, in northwest Italy, and the Urnfield culture in Central Europe, implying that the divergence may have already started in the Bronze Age. ==Sound changes from Proto-Indo-European==
Sound changes from Proto-Indo-European
The phonological changes from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) to Proto-Celtic (PC) may be summarized as follows. The changes are roughly in chronological order, with changes that operate on the outcome of earlier ones appearing later in the list. Late PIE These changes are shared by several other Indo-European branches. • *e is colored by an adjacent laryngeal consonant: • eh₂, h₂e > ah₂, h₂a • eh₃, h₃e > oh₃, h₃o • Palatovelars merge into the plain velars: • ḱ > k • ǵ > g • ǵʰ > gʰ • Epenthetic *a is inserted after a syllabic sonorant if a laryngeal and another sonorant follow (R̥HR > RaHR) • Laryngeals are lost: • before a following vowel (HV > V) • following a vowel in syllables before the accent (VHC´ > VC´) • following a vowel before a consonant, or word finally, resulting in compensatory lengthening, thus (VHC > V̄C, VH# > V̄#) • between plosives in non-initial syllables (CHC > CC) • Two adjacent dentals become two adjacent sibilants (TT > TsT > ss) Italo-Celtic The following sound changes are shared with the Italic languages in particular, and are cited in support of the Italo-Celtic hypothesis. • Dybo's rule: long close vowels are shortened (or a laryngeal is lost) before resonant + stressed vowel. Note that something like Dybo's rule seems to have also operated in Germanic (Old English wer iR´ • ūR´ / ? *uHR´ > uR´ • Possibly, post-consonantal laryngeals are lost when before pre-tonic close vowels: • CHiC´ > CiC´ • CHuC´ > CuC´ • Development of initial stress, following the previous two changes. But note that this seems to have been an areal feature, shared, for example with the Indo-European Germanic languages and the non-Indo-European Etruscan language. • Possibly, vocalization of laryngeals to *ī between a *CR cluster and consonantal *j (CRHjV > CRījV) • Syllabic laryngeals become *a (CHC > CaC) • Syllabic resonants before a voiced unaspirated stop become *Ra (R̩D > RaD) • *m is assimilated or lost before a glide: • mj > nj • mw > w • *p assimilates to *kʷ when another *kʷ follows later in the word (p...kʷ > kʷ...kʷ). But Matasovic points out that: A) this change may have occurred late in Celtic; B) it seems not to have operated on some words in Irish; and C) a similar assimilation (though in reverse) also occurred in Germanic. One change shows non-exact parallels in Italic: vocalization of syllabic resonants next to laryngeals depending on the environment. Similar developments appear in Italic, but for the syllabic nasals *m̩, *n̩, the result is Proto-Italic *əm, *ən (> Latin em ~ im, en ~ in). • Word-initially, HR̩C > aRC • Before voiceless stops, CR̩HT > CRaT • CR̩HV > CaRHV • CR̩HC > CRāC Early PC • Sequences of velar and *w merge into the labiovelars (it is uncertain if this preceded or followed the next change; that is, whether gw > b or gw > gʷ, but Schumacher 2004 argues on p. 372 that this change came first; moreover, it is also found in Proto-Italic, and thus arguably belongs to the previous section): • kw > kʷ • gw > gʷ • gʰw > gʷʰ • *gʷ merges into *b. • Aspirated stops lose their aspiration and merge with the voiced stops (except that this counterfeeds the previous change, so *gʷʰ > *gʷ doesn't result in a merger; that is, the change *gʷʰ > *gʷ must crucially happen after the sound change gʷ > b has been completed): • bʰ > b • dʰ > d • gʰ > g • gʷʰ > gʷ • *e before a resonant and *a (but not *ā) becomes *a as well (eRa > aRa): *ǵʰelH-ro > *gelaro > *galaro / *gérH-no > *gerano > *garano (Joseph's rule). • Epenthetic *i is inserted after syllabic liquids when followed by a plosive: • l̩T > liT • r̩T > riT • Epenthetic *a is inserted before the remaining syllabic resonants: • m̩ > am • n̩ > an • l̩ > al • r̩ > ar • All remaining nonsyllabic laryngeals are lost. • ē > ī • ō > ū in final syllables • Long vowels are shortened before a syllable-final resonant (V:RC > VRC); this also shortens long diphthongs. (Osthoff's law) Late PC • Plosives become *x before a different plosive or *s (C₁C₂ > xC₂, Cs > xs) • p > b before liquids (pL > bL) • p > w before nasals (pN > wN) • p > ɸ (except possibly after *s) • ō > ā • ey > ē (but not in Celtiberian or Lepontic) • ew > ow • uwa > owa Examples ==Phonological reconstruction==
Phonological reconstruction
Consonants The following consonants have been reconstructed for Proto-Celtic (PC): : Allophones of plosives Eska has recently proposed that PC stops allophonically manifest similarly to those in English. Voiceless stop phonemes were aspirated word-initially except when preceded by , hence aspirate allophones ; unaspirated voiced stops were devoiced to word-initially. This allophony may be reconstructed to PC from the following evidence: • Modern Celtic languages like Welsh, Breton, and all modern Goidelic languages have such plosive aspiration and voice allophony already attested. (But there is no trace of this in Gaulish.) • Several old Celtic languages (such as Old Irish, Old Welsh, and Lepontic) used letters for voiceless stop phonemes to write both voiceless stop phonemes and their voiced counterparts, especially non-word-initially. (But in the case of Lepontic, this is because the alphabet was derived from Etruscan, which has no voice contrasts in plosives.) • The Celtiberian Luzaga's Bronze has the curious spelling of an accusative determiner sdam, where the d is clearly meant to spell . This implies that Celtiberian had a voiceless allophone . Evolution of plosives Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced aspirate stops *, *, *gʰ/ǵʰ, merge with *b, *d, *g/ǵ in PC. The voiced aspirate labiovelar *gʷʰ did not merge with *, though: plain * became PC *b, while aspirated *gʷʰ became *. Thus, PIE 'woman' became Old Irish and Old Welsh , but PIE 'to kill, wound' became Old Irish and Welsh . PIE *p is lost in PC, apparently going through the stages *ɸ (possibly a stage *[pʰ]) and *h (perhaps seen in the name Hercynia if this is of Celtic origin) before being completely lost word-initially and between vowels. Next to consonants, PC *ɸ underwent different changes: the clusters *ɸs and *ɸt became *xs and *xt respectively already in PC. PIE *sp- became Old Irish s (f- when lenited, exactly as for PIE *sw-) and Brythonic f; while argues there was an intermediate stage *sɸ- (in which *ɸ remained an independent phoneme until after Proto-Insular Celtic had diverged into Goidelic and Brythonic), finds it more economical to believe that *sp- remained unchanged in PC, that is, the change *p to *ɸ did not happen when *s preceded. (Similarly, Grimm's law did not apply to *p, t, k after *s in Germanic, and the same exception occurred again in the High German consonant shift.) : In Gaulish and the Brittonic languages, the Proto-Indo-European phoneme becomes a new p sound. Thus, Gaulish petuar[ios], Welsh "four", but Old Irish and Latin . Insofar as this new fills the gap in the phoneme inventory which was left by the disappearance of the equivalent stop in PIE, we may think of this as a chain shift. The terms P-Celtic and Q-Celtic are useful for grouping Celtic languages based on the way they handle this one phoneme. But a simple division into P- / Q-Celtic may be untenable, as it does not do justice to the evidence of the ancient Continental Celtic languages. The unusual shared innovations among the Insular Celtic languages are often also presented as evidence against a P- vs Q-Celtic division, but they may instead reflect a common substratum influence from the pre-Celtic languages of Britain and Ireland,, or simply continuing contact between the insular languages; in either case they would be irrelevant to the genetic classification of Celtic languages. Q-Celtic languages may also have in loan words, though in early borrowings from Welsh into Primitive Irish, was used by sound substitution due to a lack of a phoneme at the time: • Latin "Saint Patrick"' > Welsh > Primitive Irish > Old Irish , later Pádraig; • Latin presbyter "priest" > early form of word seen in Old Welsh > Primitive Irish > Old Irish . Gaelic "kiss" was a later borrowing (from the second word of the Latin phrase "kiss of peace") at a stage where p was borrowed directly as p, without substituting c. Vowels The PC vowel system is highly comparable to that reconstructed for PIE by Antoine Meillet. The following monophthongs are reconstructed: : The following diphthongs have also been reconstructed: : ==Morphology==
Morphology
Nouns The morphological structure of nouns and adjectives demonstrates no arresting alterations from the parent language. Proto-Celtic is believed to have had nouns in three genders, three numbers and five to eight cases. The genders were masculine, feminine and neuter; the numbers were singular, plural and dual. The number of cases is a subject of contention: while Old Irish may have only five, the evidence from Continental Celtic is considered rather unambiguous despite appeals to archaic retentions or morphological leveling. These cases were nominative, vocative, accusative, dative, genitive, ablative, locative and instrumental. Nouns fall into nine or so declensions, depending on stem. There are *o-stems, *ā-stems, *i-stems, *u-stems, dental stems, velar stems, nasal stems, *r-stems and *s-stems. *o-stem nouns 'son' (masculine) (Old Irish ~ Welsh, Cornish and Breton ) However, Celtiberian shows -o- stem genitives ending in -o rather than : aualo "[son] of Avalos". Also note that the genitive singular does not match Proto-Indo-European's -osyo, which would have yielded -osjo. • dūnom 'stronghold' (neuter) As in the masculine paradigm, the genitive singular does not match Proto-Indo-European's -osyo, which would have yielded -osjo. *ā-stem nouns E.g. 'hand' (feminine) (Old Irish ; Welsh }, Cornish , Old Breton ) *i-stems E.g. 'sight, view, eye' (feminine) (Brittonic sulis ~ Old Irish ) E.g. 'body of water, sea' (neuter) (Gaulish Mori- ~ Old Irish ~ Welsh ) *u-stem nouns E.g. 'world, existence' (masculine) (Gaulish Bitu- ~ Old Irish ~ Welsh ~ Breton ) E.g. "rotisserie spit" (neuter) Velar and dental stems Before the *-s of the nominative singular, a velar consonant was fricated to *-x : "king" > . Likewise, final *-d devoiced to *-t-: "druid" > . E.g. "king" (masculine) E.g. "druid" (masculine) E.g. "friend" (masculine) Nasal stems Generally, nasal stems end in *-on-; this becomes *-ū in the nominative singular: *abon- "river" > *abū. E.g. "river" (feminine) E.g. "name" (neuter) *s-stem nouns Generally,-stems contain an *-es-, which becomes *-os in the nominative singular: 'house' > . E.g. "house" (neuter) *r-stem nounsr-stems are rare and principally confined to names of relatives. Typically they end in *-ter-, which becomes *-tīr in the nominative and *-tr- in all other cases aside from the accusative: *ɸater- 'father' > *ɸatīr, *ɸatros. E.g. *ɸatīr 'father' (masculine) E.g. *mātīr 'mother' (feminine) Pronouns The following personal pronouns in Celtic can be reconstructed as follows: The following third-person pronouns in Proto-Celtic may also be reconstructed. Adjectives Adjectives in Proto-Celtic had positive, comparative, superlative and equative degrees of comparison. Superlative degree The superlative was formed by simply attaching to the adjective stem. In some adjectives where the stem ends in *s, the suffix is truncated to by haplology. Verbs were formed by adding suffixes to a verbal stem. The stem might be thematic or athematic, an open or a closed syllable. Primary endings The primary endings in Proto-Celtic were as follows. They were used to form the present, future, and subjunctive conjugations. The seṭ nasal-infix presents were further subdivided into subcategories based on the root-final laryngeal. Traditionally two subclasses have long been accepted, the subclass (cited with a -ni- suffix) and (cited with a -na- suffix). nasal-infixed verbs were often leveled to act like verbs, being also cited with a -na- suffix; the only original difference between the two would have been the 3rd-person plural ending in *-nonti instead of *-nanti. The nasal-infix seṭ verbs in Proto-Celtic underwent multiple levelings. First, the suffixal vowel in the plural forms was harmonized so that they would all be the short counterpart to the vowel in the singular forms. Then all the long vowels in the singular were shortened to make the suffix vowel identical in quality and length across all person-number combinations. t-preterite The Old Irish t-preterite was traditionally assumed to be a divergent evolution from the s-preterite, but that derivation was challenged by Jay Jasanoff, who alleges that they were instead imperfects of Narten presents. Either derivation requires Narten ablaut anyway, leading to a stem vowel i in the singular and e in the plural. The stem vowel in the t-preterite was leveled to *e if the next consonant was either velar or *m, and *i in front of *r or *l. Suffixless preterites A number of suffixless preterite formations featured reduplication. The nature of the reduplication depends on the structure of the root. There were also two, possibly three verbs that did not use -(a)se-, instead straight-out taking thematised primary endings. They are: "to be, exist" (subjunctive ), "to hear" (subjunctive ), and possibly “to approach, drive” (subjunctive ). Primary subjunctive formations in Proto-Celtic generally use the e-grade of the verb root, even if the present stem uses the zero-grade. Imperative formation Imperative endings in Proto-Celtic were as follows: Second-person singular imperative The second-person singular imperative was generally endingless in the active; no ending was generally added to athematic verbs. On thematic -e/o- verbs, the imperative ended in thematic vowel *-e. However, there is also another second-person singular active imperative ending, -si, which was attached to the verb root athematically even with thematic strong verbs. The thematic deponent second-person singular imperative ending was *-eso. The -the in Old Irish is secondary. may be summarised in tabular format. Copula The copula *esti was irregular. It had both athematic and thematic conjugations in the present tense. Schrijver supposes that its athematic present was used clause-initially and the thematic conjugation was used when that was not the case. == Numerals ==
Vocabulary
The vast majority of reliably reconstructible lexical items in Proto-Celtic have good Indo-European etymologies, unlike what is found in, for example, the Greek language—at least 90% according to Matasovic. These include most of the items on the Swadesh list of basic vocabulary. But a few words that do not have Indo-European cognates, so may be borrowings from substrate or adstrate Pre-Indo-European languages, are also from basic vocabulary, including *bodyo- ‘yellow’ (though this has possible cognates in Italic), *kani "good," and *klukka "stone." It is notable that fully 32 items have been reconstructed for Proto-Celtic with the meaning "fight." == Examples of morphology derivation from PIE ==
Examples of morphology derivation from PIE
Two examples of verbs (The following examples lack the dual plural and are conjugated in the present tense) Examples of noun declension (The following examples lack the dual number) Masculine noun Feminine noun Neuter noun An example of adjectival declension (The following example lacks the dual number) Derivation of personal pronouns (nominative case) from PIE ==See also==
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