War in Somalia (2006–2009)

Historic background Disputes between Somalia and Ethiopia over the Ogaden (now the Somali Region) date to Ethiopian Emperor Menelik's expansions into Somali lands during the 1890s, initiating the process of incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire. Several decades of growing tension and conflict culminated in the 1977–1978 War where Somalia launched an invasion to assist the Western Somali Liberation Front in the hope of incorporating the Ogaden into a unitary 'Greater Somalia'. Major conflicts between Ethiopia and Somalia since the latter's independence in 1960 include: • 1964 Border War • 1977–1978 Ogaden War • 1982 Border War • 1996–2003 border incursions during the Somali Civil War. Ethiopian troops had been crossing into Somalia since 1996 to support militias in regions such as Bay, Puntland and Gedo. In 2000, the first successful attempt to form a government since the collapse of Somalia's central authority in 1991 led to the creation of the Transitional National Government (TNG). Ethiopia opposed the TNG, fearing that Somali reunification would reignite claims on the Ogaden region. In response, Ethiopia supported groups in Somalia that resisted the TNG and actively sponsored the formation of opposition alliances to preserve its strategic interests. After the 9/11 attacks, the Ethiopian government labelled TNG leaders as Islamic extremists who were pro-Bin Laden. The TNG later failed and was instead replaced by the rise of Islamic Courts Union (ICU) in the years following, which occurred concurrently with the escalating insurgency in the Ogaden waged by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). A strong Somali state not dependent on Addis Ababa was perceived as a security threat, Yusuf was previously a member of an Ethiopian-backed coalition of warlords that had undermined the TNG, and decades prior to that had led Somali rebels who assisted invading Ethiopian troops during the 1982 Ethiopian–Somali war. Since the initial conquest of the Ogaden, and well into the 2000s, the presence of Addis Ababa in the Somali inhabited lands had been almost purely military in nature. The Ethiopian government was also determined never to permit a reprise of the 1970s Ogaden War. The Ogaden lay at the heart of the dispute between the ICU and the Ethiopian governments. Following their ascent to power, senior ICU officials accused Ethiopia of mistreating the Somalis under its rule and declared that the Ogaden could not be forgotten, bound to them as it was by blood. The ONLF maintained a covert relationship with the ICU and regarded the courts as a natural ally. Information warfare, disinformation and propaganda Even before the beginning of the war, there have been significant assertions and accusations of the use of disinformation and propaganda tactics by various parties to shape the causes and course of the conflict. Eastern African countries and international observers had feared the Ethiopian offensive may lead to a regional war, involving Eritrea, which has a complex relationship with Ethiopia and who Ethiopia claimed to have been backing the ICU. The Eritrean government denied claims of sending troops to Somalia, and no evidence exists to support such reports. except for journalists who were arrested and accused of being soldiers. Ethiopia also denied deploying troops in Somalia for months despite being widely reported. The TFG also denied the presence of Ethiopian forces in Somalia, even after Ethiopia had admitted its troops were inside Somalia. Prelude to war The majority of Somali society, including much of the newly formed Transitional Federal Government, deeply opposed any foreign military intervention. With significant Ethiopian support, Abdullahi Yusuf was elected as the TFG president under a warlord-dominated government, and, under Ethiopian direction, he appointed a prime minister with connections to then-Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. These close connections to Addis Ababa were a driving force behind the invasion and provoked the ICU into later adopting a bellicose stance. During a 2004 visit to the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, when President Yusuf first requested 20,000 Ethiopian troops enter Somalia to back his government. A 2005 African Union fact finding mission to Somalia found that the overwhelming majority of Somalis rejected troops from neighboring states entering the country. President Yusuf made the unpopular decision to invite Ethiopian troops to prop up his administration. During mid-2006, the ICU decisively defeated a CIA backed alliance of Somali warlords and became the first organization since the collapse of the state to control Mogadishu, The ICU began recruiting thousands of young men from across Somali territories and in the Somali diaspora. British television station Channel 4 acquired a leaked document detailing a confidential meeting between senior American and Ethiopian officials in Addis Ababa six months prior to the full-scale December 2006 invasion. Participants deliberated on various scenarios, with the 'worst-case scenario' being the potential takeover of Somalia by the Islamic Courts Union. The documents revealed that the US found the prospect unacceptable and would back Ethiopia in the event of an ICU takeover. Journalist Jon Snow reported that during the meeting 'the blueprint for a very American supported Ethiopian invasion of Somalia was hatched'. No Somali officials were involved in the discussions. According to Ted Dagne, an Africa specialist for the US Congressional Research Service, the Islamic Courts had committed no act or provocation to initiate the Ethiopian invasion. On 16 June 2006, Shabeelle Media Network reported that sources in Ethiopia's Somali Region had witnessed a massing of ENDF 'heavy armoured vehicles' along many of the towns on the Ethiopian–Somali border and on the following day the first Ethiopian troops moved into Somalia. Local Somali officials and residents in Gedo region reported about 50 ENDF armored vehicles had passed through the border town of Dolow and pushed 50 km inland near the town of Luuq. ICU head Sheik Sharif Ahmed claimed that 300 ENDF had entered the country through the border town of Dolow in Gedo region and that Ethiopian forces had also been probing Somali border towns. He went on to threaten to fight Ethiopian troops if they continued intervening and further stated, "We want the whole world to know what's going on. The United States is encouraging Ethiopia to take over the area. Ethiopia has crossed our borders and are heading for us."'' On 19 June 2006 the ICU called for the international community to pressure Ethiopian forces to withdraw from Somalia. During July, approximately 20,000 Ethiopian troops had built up along the border. Another major deployment of the ENDF into Somalia occurred on July 20, 2006. Local witnesses reported dozens of armored vehicles enter the country, though the Ethiopian government denied the presence of its troops inside Somalia. Reuters estimated that roughly 5,000 ENDF troops had built up inside Somalia by this point. On 23 July 2006, the Ogaden National Liberation Front announced that they had shot down an Ethiopian military helicopter heading for Somalia and publicly warned that military movements in the Ogaden pointed towards an imminent large-scale operation directed at southern Somalia. That same day, another ENDF contingent crossed into Somalia, leading to the collapse of the Khartoum talks between the ICU and TFG. The ICU walked out of talks with the TFG after hundreds of ENDF troops seized Wajid, taking control of the airport and landing two helicopters. Abdirahman Janaqow, the deputy leader of the ICU executive council, announced soon after that, "The Somali government has violated the accord and allowed Ethiopian troops to enter Somali soil." The TFG claimed that no Ethiopians were in Somalia and that only their troops were in Wajid. BBC News confirmed reports of Ethiopian troops in Wajid during interviews with local residents and aid workers. Following the towns seizure, the ICU pledged to wage a holy war to drive out the ENDF from Somalia. The escalation of Ethiopian troop deployments into Somalia during July 2006 began raising fears of a possible 'all-out war' in the Horn of Africa, though the 2006 Lebanon War overshadowed news reports of several thousand troops entering Somalia. During late July 2006, over a dozen TFG parliamentarians resigned in protest of the Ethiopian invasion. By August 2006 the TFG was mired in a severe internal crisis and at risk of collapse. In late July, Eritrea called for the withdrawal of the ENDF in Somalia to prevent a regional war September–November 2006 incursions and clashes By September, at least 7,000 Ethiopian troops were in Somalia and had begun arming warlords defeated by the ICU. ENDF forces built up troops inside the Hiran and Gedo regions. The first clash between ICU and ENDF occurred on 9 October 2006. TFG forces, backed by the Ethiopian troops, attacked the ICU positions at the town of Burhakaba, forcing the courts to retreat. AFP reported that residents in Baidoa had witnessed a large column of at least 72 armed ENDF vehicles and troops transports depart from city before the incident. Meles Zenawi's government denied that the ENDF was in Somalia, or that they had participated in the incident, but local residents confirmed the presence of large numbers of ENDF in Burhakaba. The Economist reported that the military incursion had set off a fierce reaction even among the most moderate of the ICU, and a recruitment mobilization began in order to raise a force to take back area. The ICU claimed that the ENDF had also sent another large deployment across the Somali border. Following the battle, Sharif Ahmed announced "This is clear aggression...Our forces will face them soon if they do not retreat from Somali territories" and declared Jihad against Ethiopian military forces. In November 2006, the situation significantly escalated with the extensive mobilization and strategic positioning of ENDF, TFG and ICU forces in southern Somalia. Local residents reported large numbers of ICU forces deploying to Burhakaba. The distance between the opposing forces on the front line was now less than 20 km apart. On 26 and 28 November the courts claimed to have ambushed two ENDF convoys near Baidoa. On 29 November, the courts claimed Ethiopian forces had shelled Bandiradley. The next day ICU forces ambushed an ENDF convoy outside of Baidoa. That month, the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) declared that it would not allow the Ogaden region to be used as a launching pad to invade Somalia and warned that it would resist any attempts to do so. The Ethiopian military campaign against the ONLF, along with widespread atrocities committed against civilians associated with it, drove hundreds of men (thousands according to some estimates) from the Ogaden to Mogadishu in order to answer the ICU's call to arms against the invasion. Several hundred men from Somaliland also joined the Courts militia, including high-ranking military officers, while ICU supporters in Puntland primarily provided financial and logistical aid. ICU officials reported around 100 fighters from Puntland had defected to join their ranks during mid-November. Early December 2006 TFG speaker of parliament Sharif Hassan Adan announced on 3 December 2006 that Ethiopia had deployed a "massive military force" of 15,000 troops. Adan sought to reconcile with the ICU and stated that the blame for any war in Somalia lay on the Ethiopian government led by Meles Zenawi. Some senior Ethiopian military officers reportedly opposed the planned campaign against the ICU. soldier training with the U.S. troops in Hurso, Somali Region of Ethiopia (Dec 2006) The most significant event to immediately prelude the war was the passing of United Nations Security Council 1725 on 6 December 2006. The resolution called for the deployment of foreign troops and the lifting of the arms embargo. The Islamic Courts and Muslim Somali leaders had in the months prior to the resolution firmly rejected the deployment of any international military forces in Somalia as an act of war. Herman Cohen, the US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, noted the US decision to back resolution had been influenced by false Ethiopian intelligence. The ICU viewed the passing of UNSCR 1725 as effectively a declaration of war, a UN endorsement of the Ethiopian invasion US military trainers in town of Hurso, Somali Region oversaw the training of ENDF forces as the build up for war took place in the area. Al-Shabaab, one of the militia within the military wing of the ICU, increasingly radicalized in response to the Ethiopian incursion. On 8 December 2006, two days after UNSCR 1725 was passed, the ICU reported being ambushed by Ethiopian troops, sparking an artillery duel which escalated into a two-day battle between ENDF/TFG and ICU forces. ==Forces involved==

Forces involved are difficult to calculate because of many factors, including lack of formal organization or record-keeping, and claims marred by disinformation. For months leading up to the war, Ethiopia maintained it had only a few hundred advisors in the country, yet independent reports indicated far more troops. Approximately 50,000 to 60,000 Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) troops backed by artillery, tanks, helicopter gunships and combat jets had been involved in the offensive against the Islamic Courts Union during December 2006. The ENDF was the largest military force in sub-Saharan Africa with one of the continent's strongest air forces. This contrasted sharply with the Islamic Courts, which lacked comparable conventional forces. The TFG claimed only 12,000 to 15,000 Ethiopian troops had been deployed to Somalia, while the Ethiopian government claimed it had only 4,000. Other estimates placed the figure at 40,000. The Ethiopian backed TFG possessed approximately 6,000 soldiers. During the invasion phase of the war, US Special Forces, CIA paramilitary units, and Marine units, supported by American AC-130s and helicopter gunships, directly intervened in support of the ENDF. The US Bush administration doubted Ethiopia's ability to effectively use the new equipment it had provided for the invasion. As a result, it decided to involve US Special Forces and CIA agents in the campaign. Reuters reported 3,000 to 4,000 troops fought under the ICU at its height. The insurgency that followed the collapse of the ICU was composed of numerous different groups and factions, making it difficult to determine who was responsibility for a variety of attacks and incidents, though al-Shabaab ultimately became the most powerful and active element. TFG PM Ali Gedi claimed that 8,000 foreigners were fighting for the ICU, although the African Union reported the country had only attracted 'several hundred' since the formation of the ICU to mid-2007. ==2006==

Prior to the invasion, significant military intelligence and logistics support was offered by the United States military to the ENDF. The Pentagon provided access to aerial reconnaissance and satellite surveillance of ICU military positions across Somalia. The Americans also played a substantial role in sponsoring the invasion, even covering expenses such as fuel and spare parts for Ethiopian troops. Reuters reported American and British Special Forces, along with US-hired mercenaries, had been laying the ground work for the invasion within and outside Somalia since late 2005. On 13 December, the ICU claimed 30,000 Ethiopian troops were deployed inside of Somalia. The following day, local residents and ICU officials in the Hiran region reported a large scale deployment of ENDF troops across the border over a 48-hour period in the regions environs. As tensions escalated, different members within the ICU made unilateral statements regarding the response to the Ethiopian invasion without consulting the ICU leadership. On 13 December 2006, two high-ranking officials in the ICU's military wing, Yusuf Indhacade and his deputy Mukthar Robow, gave Ethiopian troops deployed in Somalia a seven-day ultimatum to withdraw from the country or face expulsion. December 19–23 The first battle of the full-scale invasion began soon after the withdrawal ultimatum expired on 19 December 2006. Fighting broke out that evening when two reconnaissance teams clashed around the settlement of Idaale, 60 kilometres south of Baidoa. Both sides accused each other of initiating the fighting. ICU fighters, many of whom were university students, attacked Ethiopian positions in Daynunay, 20 kilometres east of Baidoa as heavy fighting and artillery shelling broke out on several different front lines. Some of the most intense fighting of the war took place between the ICU and ENDF/TFG around the towns of Daynuunay and Idaale. Heavy weaponry was utilized in a large scale face-to-face confrontation primarily between the Islamic Courts and Ethiopian forces. Though BBC journalists in the country at the time reported huge ENDF armor columns around Baidoa, the Ethiopian government denied its troops were in Somalia. From the start of the operation, American special forces were covertly present. Between 19 and 21 December, the ICU and Ethiopian troops had faced off in open battle in three encounters. Despite the material and numerical odds against the Islamic Courts, they had prevailed in the three battles. These early victories led western intelligence officials and analysts to fear that the ICU would overrun Baidoa. US intelligence sources reported that in the initial days of the conflict, the ICU effectively utilized tactics against ENDF tanks that mirrored those employed by Hezbollah against the IDF months prior during the Lebanon War. ICU forces managed to advance only eight kilometres away from Baidoa, but lacking effective counters to Ethiopian artillery and armor superiority, the lightly armed fighters who charged the Ethiopian front line suffered high casualty rates. 50,000 Ethiopian troops took part in the invasion. tank captured by ICU fighters at the Idaale front (Dec 2006)|alt=Tank captured by Islamic Courts Union fighters during the 2006 Ethiopian invasion of Somalia American gunships, including helicopters and the AC-130, flew out of Dire Dawa and Diego Garcia to provide air support for Ethiopian troops. The USS Dwight D. Eisenhower carrier battlegroup was dispatched to the Somali coast to provide further air support and aerial surveillance. US Special forces and CIA paramilitary units also participated. US operations during the invasion took place in a media vacuum, with no images or footage appearing of American forces. As the ENDF advanced towards Mogadishu, they encountered fierce resistance in Bay region. Large battles took place around the settlements of Diinsoor and Daynuunay, where the Courts pushed back the Ethiopian army and overran a military camp. One of the most notable battles occurred at Idaale, where the ICU inflicted heavy losses on the invading forces. The ICU's al-Shabaab youth militia were also present for the battle. The ENDF were drawn out of their positions into battle when fighters attacked an Ethiopian position and then feinted a retreat. The Ethiopians pursued with a large contingent of troops and were soon ambushed by hundreds of fighters, initiating a massive battle between the ENDF and ICU that would last several days. but clarified that the ICU considered itself at war with Ethiopia and not the TFG. By the end of 22 December, both sides claimed to have killed hundreds of each other's troops. With the defensive capabilities of the Courts overextended and overwhelmed, December 24–27 On 24 December, the ICU reported to be around 10 km away from Baidoa. The Courts reported destroying several ENDF tanks during a battle at Daynuunay. The Ethiopian Air Force began carrying out airstrikes on the city of Beledweyne and other towns in central Somalia. After Beledweyne had become the target of airstrikes, the Courts decided to withdraw from the city. That same day Ethiopia admitted its troops were fighting the ICU for the first time, after stating earlier in the week it had only sent several hundred military advisors to Baidoa. Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi claimed in a televised address that day that he had been compelled to go to war in order to protect national sovereignty. The ICU forces, composed primarily of lightly armed youth were heavily outnumbered, outgunned and exhausted. In the ensuing blitzkrieg, the many untrained ICU volunteers from various Somali clans were badly mauled. Fighting against forces with complete armor and air supremacy the Islamic Courts front line began to collapse in the face of conventional warfare. Defending Islamist forces withdrew from Beledweyne concurrent to Ethiopian airstrikes against the Mogadishu and Baledogle airports. After fighting for nine days in open battle with the Ethiopian army, the courts began to pull back from the front line around Baidoa, Idaale, Dinsoor, Daynuunay and Burhakaba. Their forces withdrew and gathered around the town of Jowhar, 90 km north of Mogadishu. On 27 December, the leaders of the Islamic Courts Union, including Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and Sheikh Abdirahman Janaqow resigned, and the Courts government effectively dissolved, though Sharif declared that the Courts forces were still united. The ICU had evacuated many towns without fighting as ENDF/TFG forces advanced on Mogadishu That same day the African Union, supported by the Arab League and the IGAD, called for Ethiopia to withdraw from Somalia immediately. December 28–31 As Ethiopian troops advanced on Mogadishu, they were accompanied by the warlords who the ICU had defeated in mid-2006. The Ethiopians allowed the warlords to regain control over the fiefdoms they had previously lost to the courts. Demoralized, many fighters returned to their homes. Despite their desperate position, the Courts remained defiant declaring in a statement, "If the world thinks we are dead, they should know we are alive and will continue the jihad" == 2007 ==

Military events in January 2007 focused on the southern section of Somalia, primarily the withdrawal of the ICU from Kismayo following the Battle of Jilib, and their pursuit using Ethiopian and American airstrikes until a final stand during the Battle of Ras Kamboni. US AC-130 gunships covertly flying out of Ethiopia pounded retreating ICU convoys, and Kenyan troops assisted in capturing retreating ICU forces. Local residents in southern Somalia reported Kenyan Defence Forces (KDF) convoys driving over the border, and residents in the Afmadow district of southern Somalia reported witnessing AC-130's pursuing and killing ICU troops. American forces reportedly killed hundreds of Somali fighters and civilians in a 'killing zone' between the Kenyan border, the Indian Ocean and advancing US backed Ethiopian troops. US airstrikes focused on decapitating the ICU leadership, in one instance killing Sheikh Abdullahi Nahar, a popular leader of the movement. Cruise missiles were fired at ICU positions on 8 January 2007. American air power was used against villages in southern Somalia, resulting in significant civilian casualties and displacement. In one attack seventy-three nomadic herders and their livestock were killed in a US air strike. In another, US aircraft bombed a wedding ceremony. After American involvement in the invasion became public knowledge, the Ethiopian government halted US AC-130 attacks from its military bases. Initially, the US claimed that it had successfully targeted al-Qaeda operatives responsible for the 1998 embassy bombings, but later retroactively downgraded those killed to being 'associates with terrorists'. The Pentagon's announcement of air attacks in Somalia during the Ethiopian offensive confirmed the belief of many analysts that the US was involved in the invasion. The TFG announced that the rivaling Islamic forces had been defeated and that no further major fighting was expected to take place. After the Fall of Mogadishu, the security situation began to rapidly deteriorate and warlords who had been removed by the Islamic Courts began to reassert themselves. On 7 January, anti-Ethiopian protests broke out in Mogadishu, with hundreds of residents hurling stones and shouting threats towards ENDF troops. Ethiopian troops opened fire on the crowd after stones struck their patrol car, resulting in the death of two, including a 13-year boy. That same night a former ICU official was also assassinated in the city by gunmen. On 13 January, the TFG imposed martial law. The directives, which included a ban on public meetings, attempts to organize political campaigns and major media outlets, was enforced by Ethiopian troops. Warlord militia checkpoints began reappearing on Mogadishu roads and insecurity started once again returning to the city. The TFG proved to be incapable of controlling Mogadishu, or of surviving on its own without Ethiopian troops. Several high-ranking figures of the TFG, including ex-speaker Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden, were fired for calling for a compromise with the ICU. Members of the TFG present in Nairobi were threatened with expulsion by Kenyan foreign minister Raphael Tuju after they publicly called for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops. On 19 January, insurgents in Mogadishu launched an assault on the ENDF/TFG held Villa Somalia. The ICU claimed responsibility for the attack, declaring it as part of a "new uprising". The following day an ENDF convoy in the city came under ambush. Residents reported that the Ethiopian troops had responded by firing into crowds indiscriminately. The incidents began sparking concern of an upstart Islamist insurgency. Mogadishu was divided into two segments, one controlled by the ENDF/TFG and the other by emerging resistance movements. Deployment of African Union forces The African Union's involvement in the war came at the insistence of both Ethiopia and the United States for the organization to take over the role of 'regime changer'. In effect, the newly planned AU military operation in Somalia was an attempt to legitimize the Ethiopian invasion and TFG. According to Cocodia, "AMISOM was more a tool for regime change than it was a peace operation." Within the African Union there was significant skepticism about the legitimacy of the Ethiopian military occupation. On 20 February 2007, the United Nations granted authorization for the deployment of a peacekeeping mission by the African Union, known as the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM). The mission's stated primary objective was to provide support for a national reconciliation congress in Somalia. AMISOM's deployment served as an exit strategy for Ethiopian troops, as their presence was inflaming an insurgency. From 2007 to 2009, AMISOM was predominantly composed of troops from Uganda, Burundi, and a few Kenyans. During 2007, the operation relied heavily on Ugandan Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF), as Uganda played a crucial role in offering support to the initiation of the mission. By the end of the year, Burundian troops also joined the effort. AMISOM's initial mandate did not permit the use of offensive force, resulting in limited involvement in the conflict between Ethiopian forces and the insurgency. This dynamic led to growing tensions between AMISOM and the ENDF, exacerbated by a lack of transparency from Ethiopia regarding its objectives within Somalia. The European Union was reportedly 'exceptionally unhappy' about the heavy US support for the December invasion, and held back funds for the newly created AMISOM mission for several months. On 6 March 2007, the first African Union troops landed at Mogadishu airport alongside three military vehicles. Rise of the insurgency (February–April 2007) Early 2007 saw Somalis rally behind what was referred to as the muqawama (resistance) or kacdoon (uprising). During March, the resistance began in earnest with units of Somali guerillas engaging in hit-and-run attacks on Ethiopian military positions in Mogadishu. The Ethiopian military response was characterized by large scale and indiscriminate artillery and aerial bombardments of civilian areas. That month Ethiopian and TFG troops began suffering mounting casualties to the insurgency. In the ensuing days, insurgent activities intensified further. Between 16 and 18 March 2007, there was a rapid escalation in attacks, accompanied by an increase in mortar fire volume. A large ENDF convoy was ambushed, leading to a major battle near Mogadishu port, and a high-ranking TFG regional police commander was assassinated in Kismayo. The TFG soon began to run into increasing opposition from remnants of the Islamic Courts Union, and despite moving much of the government in January to Mogadishu, many ministers chose to remain in Baidoa. opposing the Ethiopian military occupation during 2007|alt=Somali insurgent (likely of the Islamic Courts Union or Al-Shabaab) during the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia During 2007, members of the Islamic Courts led the resistance to the occupation, attracting significant support from Somalis in the Banaadir region and from Somalis across the world. Al-Shabaab did not heavily participate in the insurgency or large scale fighting for much of 2007, opting instead to carry out bombings and assassinations while further establishing itself. By the end of March, the fighting intensified in Mogadishu, erupting into a largescale urban warfare, and more than a thousand people, mostly civilians, were killed. ICU insurgents, volunteers, clan militia and other Islamist groups engaged in fierce rounds of fighting in dense urban eras for several weeks during March and April against ENDF/TFG forces. Human Rights Watch reported that the Ethiopian army extensively utilized BM-21 Grad rocket shelling to bombard densely populated Mogadishu neighborhoods, which the organization described as a violation of international humanitarian law. The presence of Ethiopian troops reinforced the authoritarian behavior of the TFG. An Ilyushin Il-76 military transport plane was struck by insurgent RPG fire on 9 March, and another Il-76 was shot down on 23 March while it was taking off from Mogadishu airport. The bodies of ENDF troops were dragged through the streets during the fighting for the city and an Ethiopian helicopter gunship was shot down by Somali fighters using portable surface-to-air missiles. By April, a third of Mogadishu's buildings were in ruins along with much of the city's modest economic infrastructure. The European Union dispatched a letter to Abdullahi Yusuf criticizing the bombardment of civilians areas, the TFG's blockade of humanitarian aid and the pillaging of relief supplies by TFG forces. The EU demanded that the TFG put an end to what it described as, "unacceptable practices". The Ethiopians characterized the violence in this period as being part of a 'final push' against the rebels, but the fierce fighting in Mogadishu during March and April 2007 failed to quell the growing insurgency. Many ordinary citizens had been radicalized by the US-backed Ethiopian invasion, enabling al-Shabaab to firmly embed itself in the regions social, economic and political environment. The invasion of Somalia resulted in increased radicalization within al-Shabaab itself, coalesced widespread support for the group and massively increased recruitment for the organization. The invasion was the group's primary catalyst for mobilization among the population and it garnered substantial support from across clan lines. Despite its hardline ideology, it was widely perceived as a genuine resistance force against the military occupation by many Somalis, and while not universally popular, it was widely acknowledged for its formidability and effectiveness in pushing out Ethiopian troops. Heavy handed tactics and blatant disregard for civilian life by the Ethiopians rallied many to support al-Shabaab as it successfully branded itself as the most determined and uncompromising resistance faction. The group was not a monolithic entity at the time and for several years following as effectively represented an alliance of insurgent groups. Al-Shabaab forces carried out the first suicide attack of the insurgency phase of the war on 27 March 2007, against an ENDF checkpoint in Tarbuunka, Mogadishu, using a car bomb. The explosion killed 63 Ethiopian soldiers and wounded another 50. The operation was reported to have been made in retribution for the torture and rape of a Somali woman at gunpoint by Ethiopian troops. Adam Salad Adam, was later announced as the bomber responsible for the operation. It was the first filmed suicide attack in Somalia, and a Shabaab propaganda film was released two days after it occurred. Widening of conflict and rebel consolidation (May–December 2007) During May, an additional 15,000 Ethiopian troops were deployed to Somalia. The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) issued a statement declaring its solidarity with the insurgency, and along with other armed groups in Ethiopia - escalated the insurgency in the Ogaden in response to the invasion. The Ethiopian government accused ICU fighters of fighting alongside the ONLF during the April 2007 Abole raid. In mid-2007, as the ENDF was getting mired in the insurgency, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi publicly stated that the Ethiopian government had "made a wrong political calculation" by invading Somalia. Many Mogadishu businessman and civil leaders reported that they had been unjustly labelled as being al-Qaeda, following which they were ransacked by ENDF/TFG forces. On 3 June 2007, there was an assassination attempt on TFG prime minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi with a truck bomb. By July 2007, the insurgency had into spread to the greater Banaadir region, Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle and the Jubba Valley. violence in Mogadishu escalated sharply that same month. Ethiopian troops utilized tanks and heavy artillery to bombard insurgent strongholds in the capital, resulting in the worst mass exodus in the city's history. and carried widespread looting during raids of Mogadishu neighborhoods, with valuables later appearing in black markets in Addis Ababa. The Bakaara market was also looted by ENDF/TFG forces. The escalating insurgency during the latter half of 2007 resulted in the deployment of an additional 10,000 Ethiopian troops in Mogadishu and its environs. As fighting in Mogadishu escalated, ICU insurgents in southern Somalia found a window of opportunity and peacefully captured the town of Dhobley near the Kenyan border in mid-October. At the end of October 2007, some of the heaviest fighting in months broke out between the ENDF and ICU insurgents in the capital when Ethiopian troops launched an offensive on ICU positions. From November, more large scale fighting occurred in Mogadishu; during which the bodies of Ethiopian troops were dragged through the city streets. By November, small pockets of Islamic Courts Union control were appearing in various places across the country. In December 2007, the ENDF withdrew from the strategic town of Guriel, which was then taken quickly over by insurgents. At the end of the year, the UNHCR estimated 1,000,000 people had been displaced by the war. Thousands of Somalis had been killed by the Ethiopian army. The United Nations reported the crisis as being the worst ever humanitarian crises in Africa. The TFG announced that most of the country was not under its control and claimed that the ICU was regrouping, which the Ethiopian government denied. Al-Jazeera reported that fighting between the ENDF/TFG and Islamic Courts forces in 2007 had resulted in several thousand civilian deaths in Mogadishu. The Ethiopians and Transitional Federal Government had little public support, and Ethiopian troops rarely conducted patrols due to frequent losses to Somali insurgents. ENDF military losses had reached unsustainable levels by the end of 2007 and an excess of 50,000 ENDF troops were deployed in Somalia. but Ethiopia was effectively bogged down and facing a multi front war, with no prospect of victory. Throughout the year the ENDF had repeatedly claimed it was drawing down its forces in Somalia, though none occurred. giving remarks at US Army Central Headquarters regarding lessons learned during invasion of Somalia (2007)The tactics of the Somalis fighting the Ethiopian military occupation increasingly came to resemble the Iraqi insurgency. The presence of US military reconnaissance aircraft over Mogadishu was observed by journalists and rumor had spread among the population that US Special Forces were aiding Ethiopian troops in the city. According to Professor Abdi Ismail Samatar, as the insurgency grew in strength, it became clear to the Americans that the Ethiopian military occupation was doomed to fail, prompting them to focus on engineering a split within the Islamic resistance movement. == 2008 ==

By the beginning of 2008, insurgent pressure had mounted on the Ethiopian and TFG troops in the south-central regions of Somalia. The Shabeelle, the Jubba Valley along with the Bay and Bakool regions in particular became hot spots. Islamist fighters gained strength and were able to move from different towns with little resistance as they had accrued significant public support. What had at first seemed to be a series of probes soon morphed into a significant insurgent offensive against Ethiopian and TFG forces. At the start of the year substantial numbers of Ethiopian troops were still deployed in Somalia. No drawdown of forces had occurred since their arrival. During January 2008, Seyum Mesfin, the Ethiopian Foreign Minister claimed that Mogadishu and Somalia had significantly improved since the invasion and that there were no longer any 'no go zones' in the country. More than 60% of Mogadishu's population had fled the city by the start of the year. Philippe Lazzarini, the United Nations' top humanitarian official, declared Somalia to be the worst humanitarian crisis in Africa and nearly the worst in the world. The TFG parliament was purged of opposition figures and represented a narrow coalition of Somali society. The government was besieged and dysfunctional, with virtually no progress being made for political transition. The government was plagued with charges of corruption and abuse, including the obstruction of relief aid deliveries. During 2008, TFG President Abdullahi Yusuf began undermining the new Prime Minister, Nur Hassan Hussein. PM Nur had replaced PM Ali Gedi in November 2007, who was widely viewed as corrupt and an impediment to the reconciliation process. In an attempt to undermine an emerging alliance between opposition groups and PM Nur, President Yusuf had TFG forces engage in widespread looting at the Bakaara Market in order to impede Nur's effort. Much of the criminality in south Somalia during 2008 was linked to TFG security forces. In April 2008, Oxford Analytica observed that the TFG was 'little more' than a collection of armed rival groups. In early 2008, a UN report alleged that ENDF, TFG, and AMISOM forces were profiting millions from arms trafficking in Somalia. The Swiss newspaper Le Temps reported that the large volume of Ethiopian military arms and ammunition being sold suggested high-level involvement within the ENDF as commanders often resold weapons seized from insurgents for profit. While the Ethiopian Defense Ministry was seemingly unaware, it was observed that such large-scale trafficking would have been impossible without complicity from top ENDF figures. Escalation of insurgency (January–May 2008) Islamist insurgents began adopting sophisticated strategies to win greater public support and legitimacy. To fill in the void left by the Transitional Federal Government, insurgents began to deploy mobile Sharia courts to administer justice while apprehending criminals. They also began clan conflict mediation and distributing aid to the impoverished. Attacks on highway bandits and militia checkpoints became frequent. Al-Shabaab began governing territory for the first time in 2008 as it started taking control of significant tracts of southern Somalia. In March, the ICU seized the city of Buloburde and freed many prisoners. At the end of March 2008 a battle erupted in Mogadishu after TFG forces began robbing a marketplace, resulting Islamist insurgents inflicting heavy losses on the TFG forces after they came to defend the merchants. In the Ogaden (Somali Region), the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which had declared solidarity with the insurgency against Ethiopian troops in Somalia, engaged in repeated skirmishes with the ENDF. During 2008, the Ethiopian government did not have effective control of much of the Ogaden. Addis Ababa began calling on the Puntland and Somaliland regions to assist it in dismantling ONLF networks within Somalia. Puntland security services arrested members of the ONLF central committee in Garowe, while Somaliland security forces raided ONLF arms caches in Burao. The ONLF reported that Puntland had turned over several of its leading members to Ethiopian security forces. During the April 2008 Battle of Mogadishu, the al-Hidaya Mosque massacre was carried out by Ethiopian troops, inflaming the insurgency. Tigrayan ENDF troops repeatedly looted Mogadishu's Bakaara market and Somali telecom companies such as Hormuud became a target for looting and vandalism by the Ethiopian army. Voice of America reported that month that the insurgency was effectively being waged by two distinct groups, the nationalist leaning ICU insurgents and the increasingly international jihadist oriented al-Shabaab. Residents reported that Islamic Courts insurgents had far more popular support than al-Shabaab and receiving significant funds from both the local business communities and the Somali diaspora. The boldest insurgent expansion occurred in April 2008, when Islamist fighters seized control of Jowhar, only 90 km away from the capital Mogadishu. In late May, Jilib and Harardhere fell under the control of insurgents, who then began advancing on the strategic southern port city of Kismayo. Representatives of both the Islamic Courts and al-Shabaab entered into a secretive agreement to allow the clan militia in power to remain, though al-Shabaab overran the city later in August. US airstrikes On 3 March 2008, the United States launched cruise missiles on the town of Dhobley where insurgent leader Hassan Turki was reported to have been present. According to AP, US officials claimed the town was held by Islamic extremists but gave few details to the press. Dhobley was the last town the ICU held a year prior and it had been bombed by US aircraft in that period. A month later on 1 May 2008, US Tomahawk missiles bombarded Dhusamareb resulting in the assassination of al-Shabaab leader Aden Hashi Eyrow along with another senior commander and several civilians. The attack did nothing to slow down the groups participation in the insurgency. The assassination of Ayro during early 2008 resulted in a sharp radicalization of al-Shabaab. The killing of Ayro led to foreign fighters integrating within the ranks of the organization and resulted in the accession of Ahmed Godane as Emir. This change in leadership was facilitated by American intervention and had significant effect on Shabaab's future decision making regarding the usage of tactics such as suicide bombing. On 18 March 2008, the US designated al-Shabaab a terrorist organization. The terror designation proved to be damaging as it isolated moderate voices among the Islamist resistance movement and gave al-Shabaab further reason to push against peace talks. The Mogadishu-Afgooye-Baidoa highway became a focal point for ICU and al-Shabaab insurgents, while attacks also began escalating in and around Baidoa. By July, ICU forces controlled the cities of Beledweyne and Wajid. That month forces loyal to the ICU forces fought the ENDF over Hiiraan region and fighting continued in the capital. The ENDF shelled the western part of Beledweyne with rocket and mortar fire, resulting in an exodus of civilians and the city saw fierce fighting between Courts fighters and the Ethiopian army in the following weeks. region (15 July 2008)|alt=Al-Shabaab fighters during the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia During June a faction of the ARS and the TFG signed a ceasefire agreement after months of talks in Djibouti. The agreement was met with resistance from elements within the TFG, chiefly President Abdullahi Yusuf. The Djibouti Peace Process called for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from Somalia. and a new Islamic court was opened in Jowhar. At the time the TFG was crippled by infighting and largely under the control of warlords as insurgent attacks worsened by the day. By mid-2008, President Yusuf had lost all the support he had accumulated in the international community. His primary backer, Ethiopia, had also become tired of the TFG president only offering military answers to serious political issues. According to Africa Intelligence, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin had angrily told Abdullahi Yusuf, "...you're not a real president!" during a heated exchange. After this comment from the Ethiopians the director general of Yusuf's office expressed fears that the survival of the TFG was in serious jeopardy. Many members of the ICU and other resistance factions such as Al-Shabaab were alienated by Sharif Sheikh Ahmed's conduct during the Djibouti negotiations, particularly after he signed the peace deal without consulting field commanders-despite the continued presence of Ethiopian troops. ICU personnel in Mogadishu during this period viewed Sharif's behavior as unprincipled. As the insurgency gained most of the territory that had been lost by the Islamic Courts Union during December 2006 and January 2007, fractures began appearing between the different insurgent factions over the Djibouti Agreement. In Beledweyne and Jalalaqsi, the insurgents in power distanced themselves from both al-Shabaab and the ARS. an increase from several hundred at the end of 2006. Ethiopian troops sustained heavy casualties in the war before the Djibouti Peace Process called for their withdrawal. By October 2008, virtually all opposition groups in the Ethiopian parliament had come to the consensus that the ENDF should be withdrawn from Somalia. On 26 October, a ceasefire agreement was signed between the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia and the TFG. It was to go into effect on 5 November. officer and TFG soldiers defecting to ICU fighters in Mogadishu (7 Sep 2008) By November 2008, insurgency had effectively won. The majority of south and central Somalia, along with the capital was now under the control of Islamist factions. Ethiopia had redeployed much of its army out of Somalia by the end of the year. The TFG lost control of the vital port city Merca when the city fell to the insurgency. Al-Shabaab was consolidating a string of military successes and soon began threatening Mogadishu. Despite the Ethiopian presence in Mogadishu, by November 2008 insurgents openly walked on the streets. While al-Shabaab had gained substantial popularity for its fight against the Ethiopians, much of the Somali public that once supported the group had grown disillusioned due to its increasingly heavy-handed tactics. A new president and prime minister would be elected by the new parliament, and a commission to look into crimes of war would be established. A new constitution was also agreed to be drafted. The International Crisis Group issued a statement declaring that, despite the international community's reluctance to engage with the Islamist opposition, the only viable path to stabilizing the security situation was to reach out and engage directly with its leaders. In December 2008, the TFG parliament moved to impeach President Abdullahi Yusuf, accusing him of being a dictator and an obstacle to peace. After TFG prime minister Nur Hassan had blamed Yusuf for the TFG's failures, Yusuf had fired him without the required approval of parliament. The TFG once again found itself based largely out of Baidoa and the African Union released a statement declaring the insurgency controlled most the country. That month President Yusuf resigned after stating that he had lost control of the country to Islamist insurgents. == 2009 ==

The TFG failed to make any meaningful impact on the ground during is tenure and presided over one of the bloodiest periods in modern Somali history. During January 2009, the first Transitional Federal Government collapsed and al-Shabaab overran the seat of the government in Baidoa. ENDF troops withdrew out of Somalia that month, ending the Ethiopian military occupation, and former Islamic Courts Union leader Sharif Sheikh Ahmed was elected as the 7th president of Somalia at the end of January. Under the cover of the Djibouti agreement and the resulting peace negotiations, Ethiopia attempted to save face after its forces were exhausted and effectively defeated by the relentless Somali guerrilla warfare. On 12 January 2009, the last ENDF troops departed from Mogadishu, ending the two year long occupation of the capital. The Ethiopian military occupation failed. However, the withdrawal came too late to have a substantial impact on the al-Shabaab's transformation into a formidable oppositional force. Election of Sharif Sheikh Ahmed After the parliament took in 200 officials from the 'moderate' Islamist opposition, ARS leader Sharif Sheikh Ahmed was elected TFG President on January 31, 2009. Al Shabaab rejected any peace deal and continued to take territories, including Baidoa. Another Islamist group, Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a, which is allied to the TFG and supported by Ethiopia, continued to attack al-Shabaab. and TFG President Sharif Ahmed, at the 12th African Union Summit days after the Ethiopian withdrawal (2 Feb 2009) Al-Shabaab accused the new TFG President of accepting the secular transitional government and have continued the civil war since he arrived in Mogadishu at the presidential palace. == Casualties and human rights violations ==

Islamist insurgents, ENDF troops, TFG forces, AMISOM forces, and other involved parties in the conflict sustained considerable casualties. The true extent of these losses remains uncertain, primarily due to a lack of transparency from the involved parties and a dearth of reporting on casualties. Ethiopian forces in Somalia sustained heavy casualties but the extent and figure of losses remain uncertain, primarily due to censorship on the war enforced by the Ethiopian government from 2006 to 2009. In early 2007, NBC News reported that a blackout of information regarding the war prevailed within Ethiopia. Opposition groups in the Ethiopian Parliament were never informed on the number of soldiers who had been killed in Somalia, a policy which the TPLF continued until and after the withdrawal. Thousands of ENDF troops had been killed during fierce fighting for Mogadishu during 2007. Al-Shabaab operations between 2007 and 2009 resulted in the deaths of over a thousand Ethiopian troops alone. A 2009 report by an independent regional security agency estimated at least 3,773 Ethiopian troops had died in Somalia since late 2006. Shortly after the January 2009 withdrawal, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi publicly declined to reveal the number of Ethiopian military casualties incurred during the occupation, stating on national television:''...regarding the details on those killed or wounded in Somalia, I think the House does not need to know about how many were killed or wounded...I also think that I do not have an obligation to present such report."The figures for AMISOM troops killed in Somalia from their deployment in early 2007 to 2009 has also never been publicly revealed. African Union officials only publicly commented on casualty estimates on their entire operation for the first time in 2023. AMISOM suffered several hundred casualties, but the figure from 2006 to 2009 is unknown. Ugandan Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF), was one of the largest AMISOM contingents, but never published figures on troop casualties. Troops deployed to Mogadishu from TFG President Yusuf's home region of Puntland in support of his government suffered heavy casualties. Amnesty International stated testimony it had received during the conflict suggested all parties had committed war crimes, but that Ethiopian troops were the worst violators. The ENDF and allied militia in Somalia were accused of crimes against humanity as the conflict became one of the worst humanitarian crises in the Africa. Ethiopian forces utilized white phosphorus munitions in residential areas of Mogadishu, resulting in civilian fatalities. Reports of atrocities by forces under his command have made him infamous in Somalia. Amnesty International accused the Ethiopian military of engaging in throat-slitting executions of Somalis during early 2008, including on children in front of their parents. After attacks on civilian areas in Mogadishu during 2007, European lawyers considered whether funding for Ethiopia and TFG made the EU complicit in war crimes, the deliberations of which were never made public. Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi publicly dismissed reports of war crimes from the international media and human rights groups as a 'smear campaign' against the ENDF in Somalia. In December 2008, the Elman Peace and Human Rights Organisation said it had verified that 16,210 civilians had been killed and 29,000 wounded since the start of the war in December 2006. In 2024 the Somali governments Foreign Minister accused the Ethiopian army of killing 20,000 civilians. The Ogaden National Liberation Front accused the ENDF of hunting down Somalis from the Ogaden clan and Oromos residing in Somalia for arbitrary detention and executions during the military occupation. == Result and consequences ==

By the end of the occupation, the majority of the territory seized from the Islamic Courts Union during the December 2006 and January 2007 invasion had fallen under the control of various Islamist and nationalist resistance groups. The insurgency had achieved its primary goal of removing the Ethiopian military presence from most of Somalia by November 2008 During 2007 and 2008, Somalia plunged into severe levels of armed conflict, marked by frequent assassinations, political meltdown, radicalization, and the growth of an intense anti-American sentiment. The situation in the country exceeded the worst-case scenarios envisioned by many regional analysts when they first considered the potential impact of an Ethiopian military occupation. Human Rights Watch accused the United States of "breeding the very extremism that it is supposed to defeat" by backing the invasion. For the Americans the invasion had resulted in nearly the complete opposite of what had been expected, as it had failed to isolate the Islamic movement while solidifying Somali anger to both the United States and Ethiopia. The result of the invasion had been the defeat of Somali Islamists considered to be 'moderate' while strengthening the movements most radical elements. By the US military's own metrics, the war in Somalia was never effectively prosecuted. A 2007 study commissioned by United States Department of Defense warned that American participation in the war was, "...plagued by a failure to define the parameters of the conflict or its aims; an overemphasis on military measures without a clear definition of the optimal military strategy;" According to the Conciliation Resources report titled '''Endless War':''Military occupation, a violent insurgency, rising jihadism, and massive population displacement has reversed the incremental political and economic progress achieved by the late 1990s in south-central Somalia. With 1.3 million people displaced by fighting since 2006, 3.6 million people in need of emergency food aid, and 60,000 Somalis a year fleeing the country, the people of south-central Somalia face the worst humanitarian crisis since the early 1990s.As part of the United States' War on Terror, Ethiopia became a key strategic ally for US policy and Western interests in the Horn of Africa. In 2006, the Ethiopian government established the Information Network Security Agency (INSA) with support from the United States, modeling it after the American's National Security Agency (NSA). Initially tasked with intercepting and analyzing intelligence, particularly from Somalia at the time of the invasion, INSA gradually expanded its role into domestic surveillance. Among its first members was Abiy Ahmed, who later ascended through the ranks of government and became Ethiopia's Prime Minister. As the ENDF withdrew from Somalia, tensions between the differing resistance factions exacerbated. Radicalization and terrorism Al-Shabaab was particularly empowered by the occupation, as it established itself as an independent resistance faction in early 2007. The group became battle hardened over the next two years and notably began governing territory for the first time in 2008. Instead of eliminating 'Jihadist' activity in Somalia, the Ethiopian invasion had the effect of creating more 'Jihadis' than had existed in the country before. This resulted in the first ever American suicide bomber carrying out an attack in Somalia in October 2008. During 2008 there were an estimated 100 foreign fighters in Somalia, a figure which increased to 450 the next year as al-Shabaab gained strength. Piracy Attacks off the Somali coast were suppressed by anti-piracy operations carried out by the Islamic Courts Union's coast guard during 2006. Following the ICUs overthrow, incidents of pirate attack rapidly proliferated during 2007 and 2008. == Continuation of the conflict ==

After Sharif Ahmed had become president at the end of January 2009, the remaining ICU groups, supporters of the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia and other insurgent/opposition elements effectively disappeared as members from the organizations merged into new organizations that aligned with their views. Those who did not join the Sharifs government either joined the newly formed Hizbul Islam (Islamic Party), which had formed through a merger of several insurgent groups, or al-Shabaab. Mediation had begun between the newly formed Hizbul Islam and the new Transitional Government of led Sharif. A growing divide was reported in the Al Shabaab organization that controls much of southern Somalia as a large number of Al Shabaab leaders who had held positions in government during the six-month reign of the Islamic Courts Union. They had reportedly met behind closed doors with the President of the Transitional Government and the TFG had announced that Sharia law would be implemented in Somalia, but it had not acted on it. By 2009, al-Shabaab started drastically altering its choice of targets and frequency of attacks. The use of kidnappings and bombings in urban areas significantly grew in use. During August 2009, Ethiopian troops crossed into Somalia and seized the city of Beledweyne near the border. deployed in Beledweyne, Somalia (2014) In late 2011, Ethiopian troops returned to parts of Somalia (coinciding with Kenya's invasion) in large numbers for the first time since their 2009 withdrawal. On 13 November 2020 Bloomberg reported that Ethiopia withdrew thousands of troops from Somalia and redeployed them to fight the Tigray War. In July 2022, as the Tigray War was ongoing, al-Shabaab launched a major incursion into Ethiopia in order to infiltrate the southern Bale Mountains. == Further reading and external links ==

Documents • So Much To Fear: War Crimes and the Devastation of Somalia – Human Rights Watch (December 2008) • Shell-Shocked Civilians Under Siege in Mogadishu – Human Rights Watch (August 2007) • Routinely targeted: Attacks on civilians in Somalia – Amnesty International (May 2008) • "Why Am I Still Here?" The 2007 Horn of Africa Renditions and the Fate of Those Still Missing – Human Rights Watch (October 2008) • Copy of Djibouti Agreement signed between the ARS and TFG – (9 June 2008) Footage • Islamic Courts ready for offensive – Al Jazeera English report on ICU insurgents in southern Somalia (14 Sep 2007) • Mohammed Abdullahi Farah Somalia Piece – Channel 4 report on insurgency in Mogadishu (10 October 2007) • Opposition fighters gaining ground in Somalia – Al Jazeera English report on insurgent advances across the south (31 Aug 2008) • Lindsey Hilsum Somalia Piece – Channel 4 report on fighting between Ethiopian troops and insurgents in Mogadishu (3 December 2008) • Chaos feared in Somalia as Ethiopians pull back – Al Jazeera English report on Ethiopian military withdrawal from Somalia (15 Jan 2009) == Bibliography ==