Language Similarities between the
Ryukyuan and
Japanese languages point to a common origin, possibly of immigrants from continental Asia to the archipelago. Although previously ideologically considered by Japanese scholars as a Japanese dialect and a descendant of
Old Japanese, modern linguists such as Thomas Pellard (2015) now classify the Ryukyuan languages as a distinct subfamily of
Japonic that diverged before the Old Japanese period (c. 8th century CE); this places them in contrast to Japonic languages that are direct descendants of Old Japanese, namely Japanese and
Hachijō. Early literature which records the language of the
Old Japanese imperial court shows archaisms which are closer to Okinawan dialects, while later periods of Japanese exhibit more significant
Sinicization (such as
Sino-Japanese vocabulary) than most Ryukyuan languages. This can be attributed to the fact that the Japanese (or
Yamato people) received writing from the
Sinosphere roughly a millennium before the Ryukyuan languages. As the Jōmon-Yayoi transition (c. 1000 BCE) represents the formative period of the contemporary Japanese people from a genetic standpoint, it is argued that the Japonic languages are related to the Yayoi migrants as well. The estimated time of separation between Ryukyuan and mainland Japanese is a matter of debate due to methodological problems; older estimates (1959–2009) varied between 300 BCE and 700 CE, while novel (2009–2011) around 2nd century BCE to 100 CE, which has a lack of correlation with archeology and new chronology according to which Yayoi period started around 950 BCE, or the proposed spread of the Proto-Ryukyuan speakers to the islands in the 10–12th century from Kyushu. Based on linguistic differences, they separated at least before the 7th century, before or around
Kofun period (c. 250–538), while mainland Proto-Ryukyuan was in contact with
Early Middle Japanese until 13th century. The Ryukyuan languages can be subdivided into two main groups,
Northern Ryukyuan languages and
Southern Ryukyuan languages. The Southern Ryukyuan subfamily shows north-to-south expansion, while Northern Ryukyuan does not, and several hypothetical scenarios can be proposed to explain this. It is generally considered that the likely homeland of Japonic—and thus the original expansion of Proto-Ryukyuan—was in Kyushu, though an alternate hypothesis proposes an expansion from the Ryukyu Islands to mainland Japan. Although authors differ regarding
which varieties are counted as dialects or languages, one possible classification considers there to be five Ryukyuan languages:
Amami,
Okinawa,
Miyako,
Yaeyama and
Yonaguni, while a sixth,
Kunigami, is sometimes differentiated from Okinawan due to its diversity. Within these languages exist dialects of local towns and specific islands, many of which have gone extinct. Although the
Shuri dialect of Okinawan was historically a
prestige language of the
Kingdom of Ryukyu, there is no officially standardized Ryukyuan language. Thus, the Ryukyuan languages as a whole constitute a cluster of local dialects that can be considered
unroofed abstand languages. During the
Meiji and post-Meiji period, the Ryukyuan languages were considered to be dialects of Japanese and viewed negatively. They were suppressed by the Japanese government in policies of forced assimilation and into using the standard Japanese language. From 1907, children were prohibited to speak Ryukyuan languages in school, and since the mid-1930s there existed
dialect cards, a system of punishment for the students who spoke in a non-standard language. Speaking a Ryukyuan language was deemed an unpatriotic act; by 1939, Ryukyuan speakers were denied service and employment in government offices, while by the Battle of Okinawa in 1945, the Japanese military was commanded to consider Ryukyuan speakers as spies to be punished by death, with many reports that such actions were carried out. After World War II, during the United States occupation, the Ryukyuan languages and identity were distinctively promoted, also because of ideo-political reasons to separate the Ryukyus from Japan. However, resentment against the American occupation intensified Ryukyuans' rapport and unification with Japan, and since 1972 there has followed re-incursion of the standard Japanese and further diminution of the Ryukyuan languages. It was considered that contemporary people older than 85 exclusively use Ryukyuan, between 45 and 85 use Ryukyuan and standard Japanese depending on family or working environment, younger than 45 are able to understand Ryukyuan, while younger than 30 mainly are not able to understand nor speak Ryukyuan languages. Only older people speak Ryukyuan languages, because Japanese replaced it as the daily language in nearly every context. Some younger people speak Okinawan Japanese which is a type of
Japanese. It is not a dialect of the
Okinawan language. The six Ryukyuan languages are listed on the
UNESCO's
Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger since 2009, as they could disappear by the mid-century (2050). It is unclear whether this recognition was too late, despite some positive influence by the Society of Spreading Okinawan.
Religion ) is the traditional Ryukyuan family tomb.Indigenous
Ryukyuan religion places strong emphasis upon the role of the women in the community, with women holding positions as
shamans and guardians of the home and hearth. The status of women in traditional society is higher than in China and Japan. Although the contemporary kinship system is patrilineal and
patrilocal, until the 20th century it was often bilateral and
matrilocal, with common village endogamy.
Shisa statues can often be seen on or in front of houses—this relates to the ancient Ryukyuan belief that the male spirit is the spirit of the outside and the female spirit is the spirit of the inside. Godhood is mimicked with many attributes, and its in ease without any underlying symbolic order. The village priestesses,
Noro, until the 20th century used the white cloth and
magatama beads. The noro's duty was to preserve the generational fire in the hearth, a communal treasure, resulting with tabu system about the fire custodian in which they had to be virgins to maintain close communication with the ancestors. The office became hereditary, usually of the noro's brother's female child. The center of worship was represented by three heartstones within or near the house. The belief in the spiritual predominance of the sister was more prominent in Southern Ryukyus. The introduction of Buddhism is ascribed to a 13th-century priest from Japan (mostly funeral rites), while the 14th century trade relations resulted with
Korean Buddhism influences (including some in architecture), as well Shinto practices from Japan. Buddhism and indigenous religion were ideological basis until 18th century, when
Confucianism gradually and officially became government ideology during
Shō On (1795–1802), much to the dismay of
Kumemura. It was mostly important to the upper-class families. Among the Catholic converts was not lost the former religious consciousness. Until the 18th century, the Ryukyuan kings visited the
Sefa-utaki (historical sacred place) caves for worship. Another traditional sacred places are springs Ukinju-Hain-ju, where was placed the first rice plantation, and small island Kudaka, where the "five fruits and grains" were introduced by divine people, perhaps strangers with agricultural techniques. The foremost account, which claimed common origin between the Japanese and Ryukyuans, was made-up by
Shō Shōken in the 17th century, to end up the pilgrimage of the Ryukyu king and chief priestess to the
Kudaka island. The
Eight Shrines of Ryūkyū were a group of shrines that received special status and support from the Ryukyu Kingdom's royal government. These shrines played a significant role in the religious and political life of the kingdom, as King
Shō Toku worshiped
Hachiman (
Emperor Ōjin).
Asato Hachiman Shrine is dedicated to Hachiman, while the seven others are
Kumano shrines. During the Meiji period, the government replaced Buddhism with Shintoism as the islands' state religion. The government subsequently ordered the rearrangement of statues and the redesign of shrines and temples to incorporate indigenous deities into the national Shinto pantheon. It also placed Shinto worship before indigenous, Buddhist, and Christian practices and transformed local divinities into guardian gods. In the 1920s, the government ordered the building of Shinto shrines and the remodelling of existing shrines with Shinto architectural symbols, paid by local tax revenue, which was a financial burden due to the collapse of sugar prices in 1921 which devastated Okinawa's economy. In 1932, Shinto clergy were brought over from the mainland and housed in Okinawa. Most Ryukyuans of the younger generations are not serious adherents of the indigenous religion anymore. Additionally, since being under Japanese control, Shinto and Buddhism are also practiced and typically mixed with local beliefs and practices.
Cuisine Okinawan food is rich in
vitamins and
minerals and has a good balance of
protein,
fats, and
carbohydrates. Although
rice is a
staple food (
taco rice mixes it with beef),
pork (
mimigā and chiragā, dishes
Rafute and
Soki),
seaweed, rich
miso (fermented
soybean) pastes and soups (
Jūshī),
sweet potato and
brown sugar all feature prominently in traditional cuisine. Most famous to tourists is the
Momordica charantia,
gōya (bitter melon), which is often mixed into a representative Okinawan
stir fry dish known as
champurū (
Goya champuru).
Kōrēgusu is a common
hot sauce condiment used in various dishes including
noodle soup Okinawa soba. Some specifically consumed algae include
Caulerpa lentillifera. Traditional sweets include
chinsuko,
hirayachi,
sata andagi, and
muchi. Local beverages include juice from
Citrus depressa,
turmeric tea (
ukoncha), and the alcoholic beverage
awamori. The weight-loss
Okinawa diet derives from their cuisine and has only 30% of the sugar and 15% of the grains of the average Japanese dietary intake.
Arts The techniques of
self-defense and using farm tools as weapons against armed opponents—called
karate by today's martial artists—were created by Ryukyuans who probably incorporated some and techniques from China into a complete system of attack and defense known simply as (literally meaning "hand"). These martial arts varied slightly from town to town, and were named for their towns of origin, examples being
Naha-te (currently known as Goju-Ryū),
Tomari-te and
Shuri-te. The
Kabura-ya (Japanese signal arrow) still has a ceremonial use for house, village or festival celebration in Okinawa. It is considered that the rhythms and patterns of dances, like
Eisa and
Angama, represent legends and prehistoric heritage.
Ryūka genre of songs and poetry originate from the Okinawa Islands. From the Chinese traditional instrument in the 16th century developed the Okinawan instrument from which the and the Japanese derive. Women frequently wore indigo tattoos known as
hajichi on the backs of their hands, a sign of adulthood and talisman to protect them from evil. These tattoos were banned in 1899 by the Meiji government. In remote districts their
katakashira off-center topknot, similar to that of the
Yami and some
Filipino ethnic groups, among men and women also disappeared in the early 20th century. The
bashôfu, literally meaning "banana-fibre cloth", is designated as a part of Ryukyu and Japan "important intangible cultural properties". The weaving using indigenous ramie was also widespread in the archipelago, both originated before the 14th century. Originally living in
thatching houses, townsmen developed architecture modeled after Japanese, Chinese and Korean structures. Other dwellings suggest a tropical origin, and some villages have high stone walls, with similar structural counterpart in Yami people at
Orchid Island. For the categories of
Cultural Properties, see the following lists:
archaeological materials,
historical materials,
crafts,
paintings,
sculptures,
writings,
intangible, and
tangible. ==Notable Ryukyuans==