, Niger
Livelihood Toubou life centers on raising and herding their
livestock, or on farming the scattered
oases where they cultivate
dates,
grain and
legumes. Their herds include
dromedaries, goats, cattle, donkeys and sheep. In a few places, the Toubou also mine salt and
natron, a salt-like substance which is essential in nearly all components of Toubou life, including medicine, preservation, tanning, soap production, textiles and livestock. It is also an ingredient in chewing tobacco. Literacy rates among the Toubou are quite low.
Clan Many Toubou people still follow a semi-nomadic pastoralist lifestyle. Those who prefer a settled life typically live in palm-thatched, rectangular or cylindrical mud houses. According to Jean Chapelle, a colonial officer of history specializing in Chadian ethnic groups (although his book in Borkou has caused a significant degree of wrongdoing), the clan system developed out of necessity. Nomadic life means being scattered throughout a region; therefore, belonging to a clan means that the individual is likely to find hospitable clan people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Despite a common linguistic heritage, the institution of the clan holds the highest sense of identity among Toubou peoples. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Among the Tumagra clan of the Teda people in the
Tibesti region, there is a
derde (spiritual head) who is recognized as the clan judge, and arbitrates conflict and levies sanctions.
Social stratification , by
George Francis Lyon, 1821 The Toubou people, states Jean Chapelle, were historically socially stratified with an embedded caste system. The three strata of the caste system consisted of: freemen with a right to own property, artisanal castes, and slaves. The endogamous caste of
Azza (or
Aza) among Toubou have
artisanal occupations, such as metal work, leather work, salt mining, well digging, dates farming, pottery and tailoring, and they have traditionally been despised and segregated by other strata of the Toubou, much like the
Hadahid caste in southeastern Chad among the
Zaghawa people. Marriage between a member of the Azza and a member from a different strata of the Toubou people has been culturally unacceptable. The Azza are Dazaga-speaking people who sprang from the Dazagara. The majority of Teda speak and understand Dazaga; however, the Dazagada do not always clearly grasp Tedaga. Dazaga is the most commonly used language in BET by all its inhabitants. The lowest social strata were the slaves (
Agara). Slaves entered the Toubou Teda and Daza societies from raids and warfare on other ethnic groups in lands to their south. All slaves were the property of their masters, their caste was endogamous, and their status was inherited by birth. In the year 1953, Al-Haj Kellei Chahami, a chieftain of the Kamaya canton, in an agreement with the French colonizers, decreed the emancipation of all slaves and suppressed the use of captives in the Borkou region, while slaves from the contiguous regions, such as Tibesti and Ennedi, uncovered the liberation center situated in Borkou. Several of these slaves escaped and sought refuge in Borkou under the protection of the Kamaya canton and they were subsequently emancipated by Chahami, who granted them land that enabled them to settle. This district was formerly referred to as "Ni-Agaranga" in Dazaga, which literally translates to "country of slaves" in the Faya-Largeau city. However, the Borkou municipality opted to rechristen it as "Quartier Huit" (Eighth Quarter) as an euphemistic expression. After the abolition of slavery in 1953, Chahami admitted the descendants of former captives to the canton, where they were recognized as full members and could move around freely; in this way, the last fraction of the Kamaya canton was established. Captives were not the only groups attached to the Kamaya canton; foreigners who resided in Faya, including Fezzanais (Libyan refugees who fled Italian brutality in 1929 before the Italian colonialists' progression into the Fezzan region of southern Libya), Ouadaens from the Chad's Waddai region, prostitutes, blacksmiths, and others were also attached to the Kamaya canton. All of these individuals' concerns were conveyed to the colonizers via the canton. Europeans introduced and propagated inaccurate distortions to the Toubou languages; this can be seen where the sound of "y" is changed to "dj" or "j" in place names throughout the entirety of Chad. These mispronunciations may be attributed to difficulties faced by French colonists attempting to articulate the phoneme represented by the letter "y" in the alphabet. Moreover, the works of explorers who visited Borkou before French colonization contributed to the misinterpretation of various expressions, as evidenced by Gustav Nichtigal's works. The term "Kamadja" is a prominent example of this distortion. The term has become somewhat entrenched, but is losing its relevance to the Kamaya ethnic group due to its lack of self-identification. Linguistic analysis shows that the word "Kamadja" does not exist in either the Dazaga or Tedaga languages. The tone terms, namely "Kamadja" for the male plural and as general, "Kamadji" for the male singular, the singular form of the female term "Kamadjedo" or "Kamadjero", and the female plural "Kamadjeda", all derive from this mispronounced ethnonym. On the other end of the spectrum, the nomenclature of Kamaya is rooted in the expression "Kama-dro-yédé". This expression pertains to an inhabitant of the Faya oasis in the accent of Kanem Dazaga, where "Kama" describes a valley, "dro" implies interior, and "yédé" denotes an occupant. In this context, "yé" indicates the act of dwelling, while "dé" stands as the indicator of a singular form. Thus, the expression "Kama-dro-yédé" may be interpreted as "the individual who dwells in the valley" of the palm grove situated in the Faya oasis. The ancient designation for the clans of Kamaya was "Kamayada", with "ya" denoting habitation and "da" indicating plurality. Conversely, "Kamayédé" is the noun used to refer to an occupant of the Faya palm grove oasis valley, since the suffix "dé" is appended to the solitary form of "yé". In Dazaga, the community is called "Kama-yanga" which means the Kamaya canton and together with the suffix "ga" implies the dialect spoken by the Dazagada. The citizens of the aforementioned canton are thus referred to as "Kamay" in the singular form for males, while the singular form for females may be either "Kamaydo" or "Kamayro", with the vocalization of the suffix varying across specific regions and individuals' accents, ranging from "do" to "ro". The plural form of the female noun may be expressed as either "Kamayda" or "Kamayra", whereas the plural form for males and as a general reference is "Kamaya".
Marriage The Teda, in particular, forbids marriage between cousins, up to 9 generations unrelated, a tradition prevalent with many Muslim ethnic groups in Africa. However, the Daza of Kanem, Bahr el-Ghazal, and certain clans in Ennedi marry close cousins since it is not prohibited in the Quran. They also doubt the origins of individuals and
misalliance. A man may marry and have multiple wives according to Islamic tenets, however, this practice is only somewhat prevalent in Toubou society. The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby
wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the
harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. ==Contemporary conditions==