in the late 9th and 10th centuries The rise and fall of the Tulunids occurred against a backdrop of increasing
regionalism in the
Muslim world. The
Abbasid caliphate was struggling with
political disturbances and losing its aura of universal legitimacy. There had previously been
Coptic and
Shia Alid-led movements in Egypt and Baghdad, without more than temporary and local success. There was also a struggle for power between the Turkish military command and the administration of
Baghdad. Furthermore, there was a widening imperial financial crisis. All of these themes would recur during the Tulunid rule. The Caliph
al-Ma'mun was greatly impressed by this Turkish mamluk, who displayed indications of nobility and loyalty. Consequently, Tulun acquired the Caliph's favor, and his status was elevated, resulting in his appointment to several positions which he subsequently managed with considerable success. He was subsequently appointed as the head of the guard and was bestowed with the title "Amir al-Sitr" (Commander of the Veil). He held this prominent position for a period of twenty years. Tulun had several children, among them Ahmad, who was known by the kunya (Arabic nickname) Abu al-Abbas. Ahmad was born on 23 Ramadan 220 AH (22 August 835 CE) in
Baghdad to a concubine named Qasim. He was raised under his father's care, which set him apart from his contemporaries, the children of other
non-Arabs. He made a conscious effort to avoid the corrupt and immoral behavior common among the Turkish elite. Among his acquaintances, he was known for his piety and righteousness, as well as his strength, courage, and military prowess, which were the result of his upbringing. Ahmad ibn Tulun's initial foray into the public consciousness commenced following the demise of his father in 240 AH (854 CE) when he was just twenty years of age. The Abbasid Caliph
al-Mutawakkil appointed him to the military duties previously held by his father. Consequently, Ahmad was swiftly elevated to command the frontiers,
Damascus, and the territories of
Egypt. In this manner,
Ahmad ibn Tulun commenced his involvement in the tumultuous political landscape of
Iraq, garnering the esteem and confidence of the Turkish elite and the
Abbasid Caliphate. His relationship with both Caliph
al-Mutawakkil and Caliph
al-Musta'in was characterized by a high degree of mutual respect and trust. His connection with the latter commenced upon his return from
Tarsus, where he had been residing, and his subsequent joining of a caravan from
Byzantium that was transporting Roman merchandise for the Caliph. Ahmad ibn Tulun saved the caravan from Bedouin highwaymen in the region of
Urfa. In gratitude for his actions, the Caliph rewarded him with a thousand dinars. In contrast to numerous Turkish guard commanders,
Ahmad ibn Tulun demonstrated a profound respect and reverence for the Caliph, both in his presence and in discourse. Following the exile of Caliph
al-Musta'in to Wasit due to his conflict with
al-Mu'tazz and the Turks, the latter permitted Ahmad to accompany him, thereby becoming his companion in captivity. This decision, and the Turks' acceptance of Ahmad as the Caliph's companion, was likely the result of the trust he had established with all parties. Ahmad ibn Tulun demonstrated his reliability by treating Caliph
al-Musta'in with respect and refusing to comply with a request from Qabiha, the mother of al-Mu'tazz, to assassinate him in exchange for the governorship of Wasit. Ahmad's response was unequivocal: "I will never resort to the act of killing a Caliph with whom I have pledged my allegiance and taken solemn oaths." He facilitated the safe delivery of the Caliph to his adversaries, fully cognizant of the inevitable outcome that awaited him. Ahmad ibn Tulun's stance greatly impressed the Turks, who admired his piety and wisdom, thereby elevating him in their eyes. As a consequence, the young man was regarded as a potential leader, and he gained significant esteem among the people of
Baghdad.
Ahmad ibn Tulun's assumption of the Egyptian Diaspora Baykbak al-Turki subsequently became a prominent political figure in the wake of the conflict that resulted in the assassination of Caliph
al-Musta'in and the ascension of
al-Mu'tazz. As one of the principal Turkish commanders who instigated this conflict, Baykbak and his fellow leaders apportioned the various provinces and responsibilities among themselves.
Al-Mu'tazz bestowed upon Baykbak the authority to oversee Egypt and its adjacent territories. Nevertheless, Baykbak was reluctant to depart from the capital of the caliphate, presumably apprehending that his absence might result in his deposition from power. He thus elected to remain near the seat of authority and to actively engage in the decision-making process, appointing
Ahmad ibn Tulun as his deputy in
Egypt. Ahmad ibn Tulun was selected for this position due to his reputation for effective governance and his familial connection to Baykbak, being the husband of his mother. Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Wasiti accompanied Ahmad ibn Tulun on his journey to Egypt, entering the country on Wednesday, 23 Ramadan 254 AH (September 15, 868 CE). At that time, the prevailing policy was to appoint multiple officials to govern Egypt, thereby ensuring that they would monitor each other. Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Mudabbir was responsible for the administration of taxes, but he was notorious for his harshness and cruelty, which earned him a bad reputation among the Egyptian population. He was a shrewd and Machiavellian bureaucrat. Servant of Qabiha, the mother of al-Mu'tazz, Shuqayr al-Khadim was responsible for the administration of the postal service. In this capacity, he was charged with monitoring the activities of senior officials and reporting their conduct to the caliphate. Shuqayr frequently engaged in actions that resulted in the fracturing of alliances between the various powers. Bakkar ibn Qutayba served as the chief judge, Ishaq ibn Dinar governed Alexandria, and Ahmad ibn Isa al-Sa'idi was in charge of Barqa. Upon his arrival in Fustat, Ahmad ibn Tulun swiftly encountered a series of competing interests and power structures. The relationship between Ibn al-Mudabbir and Ibn Tulun subsequently deteriorated following an attempt by the latter to gain his support through the presentation of a gift comprising ten thousand dinars, which was ultimately declined by Ibn Tulun. Ahmad ibn Tulun had entered Egypt with grand ambitions that surpassed mere financial gain. Recognizing the ambitious nature of Ibn Tulun, Ibn al-Mudabbir perceived him as a potential threat. He initiated a plot to remove him from Egypt. Ibn al-Mudabbir sent a report to the caliphate, asserting that Ahmad ibn Tulun was untrustworthy to govern Egypt or any other region and accusing him of intending to declare independence in Egypt. Ahmad ibn Tulun responded to the conspiracy initiated by Ibn al-Mudabbir by securing the backing of prominent merchants in both Egypt and Iraq. He leveraged their influence to influence the authorities in Baghdad through financial incentives, thereby successfully securing his position as the ruler of Egypt despite the numerous accusations and complaints sent by Ibn al-Mudabbir and Shuqayr al-Hajib. This strategy, in conjunction with the support of pivotal Turkish commanders such as Baykbak and Yarjukh, who held considerable influence within the caliphate, reinforced his authority. Furthermore, Ahmad ibn Tulun was able to gain the support of the vizier, al-Hasan ibn Makhlad, through the provision of financial incentives. This resulted in the vizier sending Ahmad the letters that had been written by Ibn al-Mudabbir and Shuqayr al-Hajib, which were previously kept secret. This enabled Ahmad ibn Tulun to identify his opponents and comprehend their genuine objectives. Consequently, he resolved to eradicate them to purify the political landscape. He summoned Shuqayr al-Hajib and detained him, which proved a significant shock to Shuqayr, resulting in his subsequent demise. Subsequently,
Ahmad ibn Tulun directed his attention towards the removal of Ibn al-Mudabbir, who constituted a considerable threat to his aspirations in Egypt. He wrote to Caliph
al-Muhtadi, requesting the dismissal of Ibn al-Mudabbir from his role as overseer of Egypt's tax collection and the appointment of Muhammad ibn Hilal, a close ally of Ahmad, in his stead. Given that Baykbak held sway over the caliphate at the time, the caliph acquiesced to Ahmad's request. The political developments in Baghdad served to reinforce the position of Ahmad ibn Tulun in Egypt. Baykbak was assassinated in 256 AH (870 CE), and his successor, the Turkish commander Yarjukh, who was also Ahmad ibn Tulun's father-in-law, wrote to him, stating, "Take charge of what is rightfully yours." This was an unambiguous indication that Ahmad ibn Tulun was to assume control of the entire Egyptian administration, although the collection of taxes remained subject to the limited authority of Ibn al-Mudabbir, who found his influence progressively eroded. Ahmad ibn Tulun proceeded to consolidate his power in Egypt, leading a military force to Alexandria, where he appointed Tughluk as governor of
Fustat and Takhshi ibn Yalbarda as chief of police. Upon his arrival in Alexandria during the month of Ramadan in 257 AH (June 871 CE), the city's governor, Ishaq ibn Dinar, extended a warm welcome to him, and Ahmad duly confirmed his governorship. He also proceeded to assume control of Barqa from Ahmad ibn Isa al-Sa'idi, a move that served to further enhance his stature and deepen Ibn al-Mudabbir's anxiety and distress. This marked the beginning of a new era in Egyptian history. In the year 259 AH (873 CE), Yarjukh, who had been the de facto ruler of Egypt's territories that Ahmad ibn Tulun governed on his behalf, died. Subsequently, Caliph al-Mu'tamid formally designated Ahmad ibn Tulun as the governor of Egypt, thereby acknowledging him as the rightful sovereign on behalf of the caliphate. This year is regarded as the foundation year of the Tulunid Emirate. In 263 AH (877 CE), Ahmad ibn Tulun received a missive from al-Mu'tamid requesting the transfer of the Egyptian tax revenues. Ahmad responded that he was unable to comply, citing the fact that the revenue was in the hands of another. In response, al-Mu'tamid granted Ahmad ibn Tulun control over the tax revenue and appointed him as the governor of the Syrian frontier regions, following unrest there. Consequently, Ahmad ibn Tulun became the undisputed ruler of all of Egypt and the overseer of all its military, administrative, judicial, and financial affairs. Furthermore, he minted the Ahmadid dinar as a symbol of this newfound independence.
Opposition against Ibn Tulun At the outset of his political career, Ahmad ibn Tulun was confronted with a series of revolutionary movements, the majority of which were shaped by religious and sectarian tensions, reflecting the prevailing conflicts of the era. Confronting these uprisings served multiple purposes, including the establishment of internal security, demonstration of loyalty to the Abbasid dynasty, defense of the Abbasid Caliphate, and consolidation of his position as a powerful governor. One such challenge arose when the commander Bugha al-Kabir, having fled Baghdad, took up residence in the region between
Cyrenaica and
Alexandria, proclaiming himself a rebel in 869 CE (255 AH). He claimed descent from Ali to attract followers, adopting the name Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Tabataba. He subsequently proceeded to
Upper Egypt, where his following expanded, and he proclaimed himself Caliph. Ahmad ibn Tulun responded to this challenge to his authority by dispatching his commander Bahm ibn al-Husayn, who engaged in combat with and ultimately killed the rebel leader. In 870 CE (256 AH), a further insurrection was initiated by Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn al-Sufi al-Alawi. He proceeded to attack and loot the city of
Esna, causing extensive damage to the surrounding areas. Ahmad ibn Tulun deployed his commander Ibn Yazdad to quell the rebellion. However, the Alid leader was successful in defeating and capturing him. Subsequently, Ahmad ibn Tulun dispatched another military contingent under the command of Bahm ibn al-Husayn. This force encountered the insurgents in the vicinity of
Akhmim, overcame their opposition, and inflicted significant casualties upon them. The Shi'ite leader subsequently fled to the oases, only to reappear in the vicinity of
Hermopolis in 873 CE (259 AH). Ahmad ibn Tulun dispatched another contingent under the command of Ibn Abi al-Mugheeth, who discovered that the insurgent had relocated to
Upper Egypt to engage in combat with another individual who claimed to be Abdul Hamid ibn Abdullah ibn Abdul Aziz ibn
Abd Allah ibn Umar ibn al-Khattab. The two parties engaged in a fierce confrontation, resulting in the Alid leader's defeat. He subsequently sought refuge in
Aswan, where he caused considerable damage and destruction, including the felling of numerous
Phoenix. Ahmad ibn Tulun then dispatched Bahm ibn al-Husayn in pursuit, but the rebel evaded capture and fled to
ʿAydhab, subsequently crossing the
sea to
Mecca, where his followers dispersed. Upon reaching Mecca, the local governor apprehended him and conveyed him to Ahmad ibn Tulun, who paraded him through the city before imprisoning him for a period and subsequently releasing him. Subsequently, the rebel proceeded to
Medina, where he remained until his demise. The suppression of Ibn al-Sufi's revolt did not result in the cessation of unrest and rebellion in Upper Egypt. Another follower of his, known as Abu Ruh, whose real name was Sakn, led an uprising in 874 CE (260 AH) in the desert of the Alexandria governorate. He rebelled against Tulunid's rule to avenge his leader and amassed a considerable following, terrorizing travelers and disrupting trade routes. Initially, Ahmad ibn Tulun disregarded Abu Ruh's activities; however, he subsequently dispatched two armies intending to crush the revolt, having learned that Abu Ruh had commenced raiding the
Faiyum region. The Tulunid forces emerged triumphant, killing numerous rebels and capturing those who surrendered. Additionally, Ahmad ibn Tulun confronted the movement spearheaded by Abdul Hamid ibn Abdullah ibn Abdul Aziz ibn Abdullah ibn Umar ibn al-Khattab, also known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Umari. Although this movement was not explicitly hostile towards the Tulunids, it was directed against the
Beja tribes, who were engaged in incursions along the southern border of Egypt. Al-Umari launched an assault on the
Beja, resulting in the death of their leader and numerous casualties among his troops. They proceeded to plunder the Beja lands and impose a tribute on them, a demand that had previously been unheard of. Ahmad ibn Tulun was becoming increasingly concerned about the growth of al-Umari's influence and the rising number of his followers. He was determined to prevent any force, regardless of its nature, from emerging that could potentially challenge his authority in Egypt. Ahmad ibn Tulun was concerned that al-Umari's ambitions might extend beyond the Beja to encompass the challenge of his control over all of Egypt. Consequently, he dispatched a substantial military force to confront him. Before the battle, al-Umari approached the Tulunid commander and articulated that his intention was not to invade Egypt or challenge Ibn Tulun. Instead, he asserted that his sole objective was to engage in combat for the sake of
jihad. The commander rejected his plea and engaged in battle, where al-Umari was victorious over the Tulunid forces. A few months later, two of al-Umari's servants betrayed him, bringing his severed head to Ahmad ibn Tulun in the hope of gaining favor. Ahmad ibn Tulun ordered their execution, washed and perfumed al-Umari's head, and buried it with honor. Ibn Tulun realized that he needed to expand eastwards into the Levant to the borders of Iraq and
Anatolia for both military and political reasons. The most important of these was to ensure his ability to intervene in caliphal affairs and to guarantee Egypt's security since the Levant was the gateway to
Egypt. Any invader, whether
Byzantine,
Abbasid, or even from within the
Levant, would inevitably have to pass through this region to reach Egypt. Moreover, his religious commitment to
jihad drove him to annex the Levant to control its frontiers and defend Muslim lands against the growing Byzantine threat. This was particularly urgent as the Byzantines were exerting increasing pressure on the Islamic frontier, especially after the caliphate of
al-Mutawakkil, during which the Abbasid caliphate struggled to repel Byzantine attacks. In addition, the economic importance of the Levant to Egypt played a crucial role in Ibn Tulun's expansionist strategy. Egypt needed the Levant's raw materials, such as
Wood for
shipbuilding, as well as other resources essential to Ibn Tulun's ambitions. During this period, the Levantine frontiers were characterized by a state of turmoil due to the occurrence of various conflicts among the governors appointed by the caliphate. It was not uncommon for these governors to be killed before even arriving to assume their posts. Furthermore, those who did survive typically did not reside in the regions they were assigned to govern. Instead of their direct involvement, they appointed deputies to oversee the administration, taxation, and military operations within their respective jurisdictions. Similarly,
Ahmad ibn Tulun himself delegated the collection of taxes from these regions. This practice provoked the ire of Prince Abu Ahmad al-Muwaffaq Talha, the brother of Caliph
al-Mu'tamid. This led to a decision being taken to remove Ibn Tulun from his post and appoint Muhammad ibn Harun al-Taghlibi, who was then governing
Mosul. However, Ibn Harun was assassinated at the banks of the
Tigris River in 260 AH (874 AD) before assuming his new position. This decision had considerable ramifications, as it became apparent to the local populace that solely Ahmad ibn Tulun was capable of safeguarding the frontier regions and spearheading the jihad against the Byzantines. At this time, the governor of Syria, Amajur, died, and his son Ali was appointed as his successor despite his youth. This, in conjunction with al-Muwaffaq's mounting challenges due to the persisting
Zanj Rebellion, which significantly depleted his military strength, presented Ibn Tulun with a chance to gain control of Syria and integrate it into his Egyptian domain. He declined to acknowledge the legitimacy of Ali ibn Amajur's authority and conveyed his sympathies for the demise of his father in a missive. Concurrently, he informed Ali that the caliph had bestowed upon him the stewardship of Syria and its borderlands. Furthermore, Ibn Tulun proclaimed his intention to engage in a jihad against the Byzantines and appealed for provisions and support for his troops. Faced with a lack of viable alternatives, the relatively inexperienced and weak Ali ibn Amajur acquiesced to Ibn Tulun's authority and publicly pledged allegiance to him. In Shawwal 264 AH (June 878 AD), Ahmad ibn Tulun departed from
Al-Qata'i and proceeded to Ramla, where he was met by the city's governor, Muhammad ibn Rafi'. Ibn Rafi furnished him with provisions and reaffirmed his loyalty, for which Ibn Tulun permitted him to retain his position. As he advanced through Palestine, Ibn Tulun proclaimed that he was there to wage jihad, attracting soldiers and volunteers who joined his ranks as he proceeded towards
Damascus. Ali ibn Amajur and his court proceeded to greet him, acknowledging his authority, and supplied him with the necessary provisions and fodder. Ibn Tulun spent several days in Damascus, during which he undertook a comprehensive reorganization of the city's administrative and military structures. Additionally, he ordered that prayers be offered in his name from the pulpits. Additionally, he incorporated the city's military personnel, including soldiers and commanders, into his army. Continuing his campaign, he advanced to
Homs, where he dismissed the governor, Isa al-Karkhi, due to complaints from the local population regarding his tyrannical rule. This act was met with approval by the residents of Homs. Ibn Tulun subsequently advanced to Hama, which he captured, and proceeded to
Aleppo, which also fell under his control. His military operations subsequently extended into the frontier regions, where he successfully captured
Qinnasrin and the al-'Awasim district. In Antioch, Governor Sima al-Tawil declined to submit to Ibn Tulun's authority, resulting in a siege. The city was eventually captured with the assistance of the local populace, who had been incited to action by resentment of their governor's tyranny and subsequently killed him. Following the fall of
Antioch, it was inevitable that Ahmad ibn Tulun would turn his attention to the remaining frontier regions. He proceeded to capture
Mopsuestia, and
Adana and eventually reached
Tarsus, a city of great significance to him. However, the city's governor declined to welcome him and closed the gates against him. According to some sources, Ibn Tulun eventually entered the city with a large retinue, evading any resistance. Ahmad ibn Tulun could have continued his
jihad to its fullest extent, even possibly entering
Baghdad itself. However, the political situation in Egypt, including the rebellion of his son Abbas and the receipt of troubling news from his homeland, compelled him to temporarily relinquish his jihadist aspirations and return to al-Qata'i to suppress the uprising. Before this, he needed to ensure the security of the northeastern frontiers of his emirate, where certain local leaders were perceived to present a threat to his territory and achievements. Consequently, he dispatched an army to
Raqqa and another to
Harran, which resulted in the successful subjugation of these regions to Tulunid authority. Meanwhile, the cities along the Levantine coast, including
Tripoli, Acre, and Jaffa, also came under Ibn Tulun's rule as he continued his march through Damascus. This marked the beginning of a new phase in the relationship between Egypt and Syria, as both regions came under the leadership of a single ruler, coordinating military campaigns and naval operations across the Levantine region and beyond. The Tulunid navy, based in Syria, commenced operations, launching attacks on Aegean Sea islands and Greek cities. Despite the long-standing enmity between them, the Abbasid caliphate even tasked Ahmad ibn Tulun with defending its borders against the Byzantines, particularly along the Euphrates front in northern
Iraq, which posed a direct threat to Baghdad itself.
Unrest in the Levant against Tulunid rule Ahmad ibn Tulun had designated his chamberlain, Lu'lu', who had assisted him in assuming control of the Levant, as the governor-general of the region before his return to Egypt. Consequently, Lu'lu's authority grew considerably, with prayers being offered in his name after those of the caliph and Ibn Tulun, and his name inscribed on the currency. Nevertheless, by 268 AH (881-882 AD), indications of a schism between Ahmad ibn Tulun and his erstwhile enslaved servant Lu'lu' began to manifest, predominantly due to two principal factors. The initial point of contention was financial. Ibn Tulun had imposed rigorous tax collection measures on Lu'lu'. The tax collector was directly answerable to Ibn Tulun, which constrained Lu'lu's autonomy and prompted him to express his discontent by seizing a portion of the tax revenue. The second factor was political. Ahmad ibn Tulun appointed his son-in-law, Muhammad ibn Fath ibn Khakan, as governor of
Diyār Muḍar without first consulting Lu'lu'. The Abbasid caliphate became aware of this discord, and Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Katib, an advisor at the Abbasid court, exploited the situation to undermine Ibn Tulun by encouraging Lu'lu' to align with Abu Ahmad al-Muwaffaq Talha and send the tax revenue to him instead. Ibn Tulun's efforts to reestablish Lu'lu's submission proved unsuccessful. Lu'lu' appropriated one million dinars and defected to al-Muwaffaq, launching attacks and plundering Basra along the way. He proceeded to capture
Circesium on his way to Iraq. This political development compelled Ahmad ibn Tulun to embark on a military campaign to the Levant to suppress Lu'lu's rebellion. His objective was to prevent Lu'lu' from entering Iraq, as such an action would have the potential to destabilize his state. Ibn Tulun accelerated, cognizant that al-Muwaffaq, who was on the cusp of quelling the Zanj Rebellion, could leverage Lu'lu's defection against him. Nevertheless, by the time Ibn Tulun reached Damascus, Lu'lu' had already fled to Iraq and joined forces with al-Muwaffaq. While in
Damascus, Ahmad ibn Tulun saw fit to reassert his control over the frontier regions. It was known that Yazman, a servant of Fath ibn Khakan, had become dominant in the area and was incited by al-Muwaffaq to rebel against the Tulunids. Yazman had commenced the process of garnering support and exerting control over the local population, a development that caused concern for Ibn Tulun. Aware of the potential consequences of Yazman's actions and the possibility of a Byzantine threat, Ibn Tulun opted for a diplomatic approach to persuade Yazman to return to his allegiance, while simultaneously instructing his deputy, Khalaf al-Farghani, to launch a campaign against the Byzantines to secure the support of the local population. Yazman declined Ibn Tulun's conciliatory overtures, prompting Ibn Tulun to order Khalaf al-Farghani to apprehend him. However, Yazman's supporters in Tarsus expelled al-Farghani, declared Yazman their leader, ceased praying for Ibn Tulun in their mosques, and cursed him instead. Upon hearing this, Ibn Tulun personally set out to discipline the rebel. Upon reaching
Mopsuestia, he sent emissaries to Yazman, offering him a final chance to submit in exchange for safety. Yazman again refused and fortified himself in
Adana. Ibn Tulun then initiated a siege of Adana, establishing a camp in the plains outside the city in Jumada al-Akhira 270 AH (December 883 AD). In response, Yazman ordered the release of the waters of the Berdan River. The winter season was marked by extreme cold, heavy precipitation, and thick snowfall. The flooding of the plains nearly drowned Ibn Tulun's army, compelling him to retreat under the cover of night without achieving his objective. He spent several days in
Mopsuestia before returning to Damascus and then to Egypt. Consequently. Ahmad ibn Tulun's endeavors to maintain comprehensive control over his Levantine territories ultimately proved unsuccessful.
Khumārawayh's rise to power This resulted in the weakening of both Egypt and Iraq. Ahmad ibn Tulun was adamant that the Abbasid caliph be treated with respect and that his status be reinstated as a fundamental prerequisite for reconciliation. Al-Muwaffaq concurred, accorded the caliph the honor due him, and discharged him from incarceration. The subsequent action was for the caliphate to acknowledge the legitimacy of the rule in Egypt and the Levant. However, Ahmad ibn Tulun
died on Sunday, the 10th of Dhu al-Qi'dah 270 AH (May 10, 884 CE), before this could be accomplished.'' of Emir Khumarawayh b. Ahmad under Caliph
al-Mu'tamid. Egypt, Tinnis, Tulunid period. 1932.17, Cleveland Museum of Art.After his demise, military leaders convened and selected his son,
Abu 'l-Jaysh Khumārawayh ibn Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn, as his successor, by the deceased's testamentary dispositions and to gratify the troops who had rallied around him to maintain the legacy and acquisitions of the emirate. Khumārawayh was twenty years of age at the time.
Ahmad ibn Tulun had left a will for his son, which included a summary of his political experiences and outlined general policies to be followed. He advised him to uphold the caliph's oath as a trust, thereby providing legitimacy to his state; to maintain the army united and loyal; to ensure the allegiance of his slaves and dependents; to stay armed and ready for military action; to eliminate conspiracies from Iraq; to win the favor of the local populace; and to moderate expenditures without extravagance.
Khumārawayh remained faithful to his father's legacy, which he regarded as a comprehensive political blueprint for governing Egypt and the Levant, as well as for navigating relations with the Abbasid caliphate. However, in economic matters, he exhibited a proclivity towards extravagance and luxury. At the outset of his political career, Khumārawayh encountered a challenge with his brother Abbas, who declined to pledge fealty to him or acknowledge his authority. Abbas had previously attempted a rebellion while their father was absent in the Levant, which was swiftly suppressed by Ahmad ibn Tulun. By the provisions outlined in Ahmad ibn Tulun's will, Abbas was to assume governance of the Levant and adjacent territories, acknowledge
Khumārawayh's ascension, and submit to his authority. However, Abbas did not comply, as he was unwilling to relinquish his claim to the succession as the eldest son and was under the impression that Khumārawayh would be unable to oppose him. State officials and close associates were summoned, and the
Qur'an was brought for Abbas to swear allegiance. He hesitated and revealed his intent to resist, which aroused suspicion among the military leaders who disliked him for his arrogance and aloofness. His refusal or delay in swearing allegiance to his brother was seen as inevitable, and he was killed shortly thereafter. Following the successful resolution of his brother Abbas's refusal to recognize his rule, the unification of political and military leadership, and the consolidation of the Tulunid family, Khumārawayh shifted his attention to the strengthening of the military. He proceeded to establish a formidable military force, placing significant emphasis on comprehensive training, equipping the troops with the necessary weaponry, and expanding the army's size. He then proceeded to reorganize the Levant, a region of significant strategic importance for supporting his authority in Egypt. This was of particular urgency since
al-Muwaffaq had dealt with the
Zanj rebellion in Basra and was now at liberty to pursue Egypt, exploiting Ahmad ibn Tulun's demise and
Khumārawayh's youth. Khumārawayh then proceeded to assign leadership of the major cities and regions in the Levant to his most capable commanders. He subsequently wrote to the Abbasid caliphate, requesting official recognition of his control over these areas in exchange for pledging allegiance and full obedience. However, al-Muwaffaq rejected this request, which incensed Khumārawayh and signaled the continuation of the conflict and resumption of military operations.
Al-Muwaffaq employed a strategy of combining military strength with cunning in his confrontation with Khumārawayh. He capitalized on the situation by exploiting Ishaq ibn Kandaq, the emir of
Mosul and the Jazira, who believed he was more deserving of the governorship of the Levant and Egypt.
Ishaq ibn Kundaj incited discord within the Tulunid domain, exploiting existing rivalries for his own benefit. He formed an alliance with Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Wasiti, who had sworn to destroy all that Khumārawayh and Ahmad ibn Tulun had constructed. This was partly due to Khumārawayh's promotion of Mahbub ibn Jaber over al-Wasiti, whom he regarded as a subordinate. Al-Wasiti, concerned about being betrayed by Khumārawayh (given that he had advised the killing of his brother Abbas), was encouraged by al-Muwaffaq. Upon dispatching al-Wasiti with an army to Iraq to engage in combat with the Abbasids, Khumārawayh received communication from al-Muwaffaq, who sought to sow discord between al-Wasiti and his master. In response to the Abbasid attempts to displace him from the Levant and seize control of Egypt, Khumārawayh swiftly organized both land and naval campaigns to repel the anti-Tulunid alliance and compel the Abbasids to acknowledge his authority through military means. The Tulunid armies advanced into the Levant, and upon reaching
Palestine, the conspiracy was revealed. Al-Wasiti defected to the Abbasid forces, thereby betraying his former master. The Abbasid forces emerged victorious against the Tulunid army, seizing control of Raqqa, Qinnasrin, and other strategic cities. Furthermore, they were victorious against a considerable military force under the command of Khumārawayh at the mills on the River Abu Fataras in southern Palestine, in the vicinity of Ramla. As the Abbasid troops were engaged in looting, the Tulunids, seizing the opportunity, turned the defeat into a victory. In light of the possibility of a renewed incursion by Khumārawayh, the remaining Abbasid forces opted to retreat to
Damascus. However, the city's residents closed the gates, effectively preventing their entry. This support for the Tulunids had a considerable impact on the political situation, resulting in the reunification of the territories under Tulunid control and aligning with the prevailing sentiment against the Abbasids. Tulunids, under the leadership of Saad al-Aysar, reclaimed the initiative and recovered the majority of the Levantine cities. Subsequently, Saad al-Aysar entered Damascus, delivered a sermon in honor of Khumārawayh, and informed him of the victory. Despite his initial defeat, Khumārawayh was pleased but ashamed and thus increased charitable acts and freed prisoners. He then appointed Saad al-Aysar as the governor of the Levant, who worked to restore security, protect pilgrimage routes from Bedouin attacks, and ensure stability. For approximately one year, Khumārawayh refrained from direct involvement in Levantine affairs, thereby providing Saad al-Aysar with the opportunity to act on his behalf, ostensibly seeking autonomy from Egypt. Saad al-Aysar miscalculated, accusing his superior of negligence and cowardice, which caused Khumārawayh to become concerned. In response to concerns about Saad al-Aysar's aspirations, Khumārawayh devised a scheme in Ramla that ultimately led to al-Aysar's demise. The populace of Damascus was incensed by the assassination of their prince and rose against Khumārawayh, denouncing him in the
Umayyad Mosque. In response, Khumārawayh proceeded to the city and refrained from exacting revenge. Instead, he secured the allegiance of the populace through the provision of monetary incentives and gifts, thereby reestablishing his authority over
Damascus and the wider region. Subsequently, Khumārawayh initiated military campaigns against his adversaries within their territories, adopting an offensive strategy. He initiated hostilities against Ibn Kandaq, who had been manipulated by al-Muwaffaq, and was joined by Muhammad ibn Abi al-Saj, the governor of Anbar, who had supported al-Muwaffaq due to his interests. They engaged in combat with Ibn Kandaq's forces in the vicinity of Raqqa within the Balikh region and emerged victorious. Ibn Kandaq sought refuge in
Mardin, where he reinforced his position. The Tulunid forces pursued his vanquished troops until they reached Samarra. Khumārawayh assumed control of the
Upper Mesopotamia and
Mosul regions, appointing Ibn Abi al-Saj as his governor in that area. Subsequently, Ibn Kandaq was compelled to concede and assume a subordinate position, pledging fealty to Khumārawayh and providing support in his governance. Upon Khumārawayh's return to Egypt, Ibn Abi al-Saj, incited by al-Muwaffaq, initiated a rebellion and proceeded to seize Tulunid properties situated within the Euphrates-Jazira region. Khumārawayh was compelled to return to the Levant with a considerable military force. He encountered the Abbasid troops, led by Ibn Abi al-Saj, at the Thaniya al-Uqab in proximity to Damascus. He emerged triumphant, pursuing Ibn Abi al-Saj to
Mosul and subsequently to
Tikrit. In this manner, Khumārawayh was able to eliminate his enemies who had allied against him, secure his eastern borders, and extend his influence from
Barqa to the Euphrates and from Anatolia to
Nubia. In recognition of his efforts in the Euphrates-Jazira region, the caliphate added
Armenia to his domains. The caliph acknowledged Khumārawayh's rule over these territories and confirmed it, thereby ensuring a hereditary rule for him and his descendants in Egypt and the Levant for thirty years. Furthermore, Yazaman, the ruler of the border regions, acknowledged his authority and offered prayers on the border minibars. On 18 Rajab 279 AH (October 14, 892 CE), the
Abbasid caliph died and was succeeded by
al-Mu'tadid, who assumed the title of "al-Mu'tadid blah." He reaffirmed the caliphate's recognition of Khumārawayh and his descendants' rule over the territories they controlled for thirty years. Furthermore, a marriage alliance was formed between the Abbasid and Tulunid families when Khumārawayh married his daughter, Qatr al-Nada, to the caliph
al-Mu'tadid. Khumārawayh's entourage selected his son Abu al-Asakir Jaysh, who was less than fourteen years of age, to assume the role of ruler of Egypt and the Levant in his place. This decision effectively bypassed his adult uncles, the sons of Ahmad ibn Tulun, who were capable of fulfilling the role in question. This decision was made to maintain their privileges, which resulted in his coronation as a child who had not yet been influenced by the passage of time or the accumulation of experience and knowledge. Jaysh was an inept prince, preoccupied with frivolity and indulgence, surrounded by a corrupt cohort of Africans and Greeks who exhibited a lack of respect for the country's traditions and public manners. They encouraged him to pursue leisure activities and to disregard moral principles. These developments prompted some leaders among the
Maghrebis,
Berbers, and
Khazars, who had previously expressed support for
Ahmad ibn Tulun and his sons, to demand that Jaysh abdicate the throne in favor of one of his uncles. Jaysh declined the request and had his uncle Abu al-Ashaa'ir Nasr, a distinguished Tulunid leader renowned for his role in the Battle of the Mills, executed. He then presented Nasr's head to the rebels. This prompted the Turkish leaders who had allied with the rebels to flee Egypt and proceed to
Kufa, where they were greeted by Caliph al-Mu'tadhid and received by numerous leaders and princes. Furthermore, the governor of the Levant, Tugj ibn Jaf, exploited the internal strife in Egypt to challenge the Tulunid authority, refusing to acknowledge the authority of a young prince and his corrupt entourage. He ceased to be mentioned in the Friday sermon and proceeded to assume control of the affairs in his region. Tugj ibn Jaf's rebellion was a significant threat to the stability of the Tulunid Dynasty during this period, as it posed a direct danger to the eastern borders of the state. The situation was further complicated by the fact that he commanded a substantial Tulunid military force and exercised control over the region's abundant resources, which significantly undermined the stability of the Tulunid rule. Additionally, the frontier regions likewise declined to acknowledge the authority of a minor ruler. Ahmad ibn Tughjan, the Tulunid deputy in the frontier regions, publicly expressed his discontent with the prevailing circumstances, effectively withdrawing his allegiance from the declining state and disobeying the orders of the young prince Jaysh. He promptly initiated the process of deposing him. The unrest in Egypt against Jaysh's rule extended to his entourage and those around him. Several military leaders and loyalists deposed him and imprisoned him on the 10th of Jumada al-Thani, 283 AH, corresponding to July 25, 896 CE. They proceeded to loot his house and, shortly afterward, killed him. On the day that Jaysh was deposed, several influential powers and military leaders gathered and swiftly appointed Abu Musa Harun ibn Khumārawayh, who was a minor and not yet fourteen years of age, as a figurehead. This was ostensibly done to demonstrate loyalty to the Tulunid house. They were concerned that a prominent member of the Tulunid family might assume control, challenge their agendas, and hold them responsible for their actions. Consequently, they consented to install an individual who was unable to contest their machinations, which resulted in the emirate's internal deterioration and its decline. During Harun's tenure, a series of significant internal events precipitated the emirate's inevitable decline. The administrators, recognizing their inability to adequately address the emerging issues and challenges, retreated in the face of significant political dangers in the Levant and the frontier regions. Meanwhile, Harun was preoccupied with leisure activities and alcohol consumption, and they recognized their inability to subdue Tugj ibn Jaf. Consequently, an attempt was made to negotiate with him on a political level, with the sending of an envoy to offer recognition of Harun's rule in exchange for the retention of his influence in the Levant. This diplomatic effort was ultimately successful, leading to the resolution of outstanding issues in the Levant. However, the situation in Egypt subsequently deteriorated. The court faction divided the power and public offices among themselves, thereby creating centers of influence within the state apparatus and pursuing their interests. As a result, they effectively monopolized authority and control over state affairs, thereby becoming the dominant force in the management of the state. A number of these individuals exercised control over various groups of troops, which were then compelled to obey their commands, effectively becoming their subordinates. Each of these leaders possessed extensive administrative powers. Abu Ja'far ibn Abi assumed guardianship over the young prince, while Badr al-Hamami managed Levantine affairs without hindrance. They also intensified their oppression of Ahmad ibn Tulun's supporters, persecuting and scattering them. As a result, the unity of the state and the army was compromised.
Harun's reign also saw the occurrence of significant external events that accelerated the decline of the Tulunid emirate and ultimately resulted in its collapse. In 284 AH (897 CE), while Ahmad ibn Tughjan, the Tulunid governor of the frontier regions, was engaged in a war with the
Byzantines, Raghid al-Khadem, a freedman of
al-Mu'tadhid who had come to
Tarsus for
jihad, removed the Tulunid call to prayer and instead called for Badr, the freedman of the caliph
al-Mu'tadhid. The
Abbasid caliph perceived an opportunity to intervene in Tulunid affairs, erode the emirate's autonomy, and reincorporate the regions it controlled into the Abbasid state. This was particularly the case following Ahmad ibn Tughjan's departure from Tarsus and return to Egypt, where he appointed his deputy Damiana to oversee the city's governance. The caliph exhorted Raghid to challenge Damiana and the military commander Yusuf ibn al-Baghmardi, who had been designated as his successor. The confrontation resulted in Raghid's triumph; he captured both opponents and conveyed them to
Baghdad, thereby curbing Tulunid's influence in the frontier regions, particularly Tarsus, and rendering their presence there inconsequential. The final decisive factor in the decline of Tulunid influence in the frontier regions was the action of the local population itself. Delegations from these regions approached the caliph to request his attention to their affairs, the management of their frontier, and the appointment of a leader to guide them in
jihad against the Byzantines, particularly since they were left without a ruler after the Tulunid governor was expelled due to his mismanagement. It appears that the caliph accepted this subordination and appointed Ibn al-Akhsheed as the emir of the frontier regions. Subsequently, the caliph directed his attention to the Jazira region and the upper Euphrates, to annex them from Tulunid control. Faced with a confluence of political and military pressures, including the loss of some cities in the Levant and frontier regions and internal weakening, the Tulunids were compelled to negotiate the terms of their continued presence in exchange for the caliph's recognition of their rights in Egypt and the Levant in 285 AH (898 CE). Furthermore, the caliph imposed a humiliating treaty on the Tulunids, compelling them to relinquish control over
Aleppo,
Qinnasrin, and the capitals; pay 450,000 dinars annually to the
Bayt al-mal, and agree to the appointment of a representative of the caliph in Egypt to oversee its affairs. The situation for the Tulunids in the Levant became increasingly critical with the emergence of a new force that was destined to eliminate what remained of Tulunid influence as per the recent agreement with the Abbasids. This new force,
Qarmatians, threatened to undermine the Tulunids’ remaining prestige and strengthen the caliphate’s position as the savior of the
Islamic world, thus nullifying any promises made to the Tulunids and providing a legal basis for invading Egypt and eradicating the Tulunids.
Qarmatians, who had swept through the Levant spreading chaos and disruption, proved too formidable for the Tulunid army to counter effectively. As a result, Tulunid prestige waned among the people, and cries of discontent and protest surged throughout the Islamic world in
Western Asia. Letters from scholars and notable figures in Egypt and the Levant were sent to the caliphate requesting assistance. The caliphate, seizing the opportunity to intervene and assert its presence and gains in the Levant while showcasing the weakness of the Tulunids, decided to confront the Qarmatians first in the Levant and then to eliminate the Tulunids both there and in Egypt. Following the death of
al-Mu'tadhid and the ascension of
Abu Ahmad al-Muqtadi to the caliphate, the caliph resolved to tackle the Qarmatians and then deal with the Tulunids. The caliph mobilized a large army and sent successive military expeditions to the
Levant to deal with the
Qarmatians. The first army, consisting of ten thousand soldiers, was sent to Aleppo and camped in the nearby Batanan Valley. However, they were ambushed and defeated by the Qarmatian forces, with many of them killed. Only the commander Abu al-Aghar and a few of his soldiers, numbering fewer than a thousand, managed to enter Aleppo. The Qarmatians pursued them and besieged the city, but with the help of its residents, Abu al-Aghar managed to lift the siege after fierce battles, killing many of the besiegers. Meanwhile, the caliph reached al-Raqqa and dispatched a substantial military force under the command of Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Katib to pursue and eliminate the Qarmatians. This force engaged the Qarmatians in the vicinity of Hama, vanquished them, and effectively neutralized the threat they posed in the Levant in 291 AH (904 CE). The Qarmatian leader Hasan ibn Zikrawayh and over three hundred of his followers were apprehended and conveyed to the caliph, who ordered their immediate execution. Muhammad ibn Sulayman had barely celebrated his victory over the Qarmatians when he was ordered by the caliph to prepare for war against the Tulunids. He initiated preparations for this campaign, enlisting leaders who had previously served in the Tulunid army and were intimately familiar with Egypt's terrain, many of whom had fled during Abu al-Asakir Jaysh's reign. He assembled an army of ten thousand soldiers, predominantly from the Khurasani region. The caliph supported this ground force with a naval campaign, sending the commander of the Abbasid fleet in the Levant and Egypt to enforce a naval blockade on the Tulunid frontiers and cut off their supplies. In these critical circumstances, Harun was killed by his uncles Shayban and Uday while intoxicated on the night of Sunday, 19 Safar 292 AH (December 31, 904 CE). Shayban assumed the role of leader. Upon recognizing the disintegration of the Tulunid military and the inadequacy of their opposition, Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Katib advanced from Palestine into Egypt. Facing the imminent threat of a counteroffensive, Shayban ibn Ahmad's forces retreated to defend the capital. The Abbasid forces pursued them, reaching al-Fustat and al-Qata'i, where they laid siege to the cities. The Abbasid fleet also advanced and blockaded the cities by river. Despite the Tulunid resistance, both cities faced continuous bombardment from land and river. This situation led Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Katib to offer terms of surrender to Shayban in exchange for his and his men's safety. Upon learning of this, Shayban's troops abandoned him and joined the Abbasid army. ==Culture==