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Zhou Yongkang case

The Zhou Yongkang case refers to a case involving Zhou Yongkang, former member of the Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, who retired in 2012.

Background
Zhou Yongkang is a former senior leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He led the China National Petroleum Corporation from 1996 to 1998 before serving as Minister of Land and Natural Resources until 1999. Subsequently, Zhou became the Party Secretary of Sichuan. From 2003 to 2008, Zhou served as State Councillor, the Minister of Public Security, the Political Commissar of the People's Armed Police, a Secretary on the Secretariat of the Central Committee, and the Deputy Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. In October 2007, the 17th Central Committee elected Zhou to the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), where he served as the Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. He retired at the 18th Party Congress in 2012. Zhou retired at the 18th Party Congress held in November 2012, an event which saw Xi Jinping, the current General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, ascend to become China's paramount leader. In a significant change to China's top ruling council, Zhou's Political and Legal Affairs Commission portfolio did not feature in the new Standing Committee at all; instead, the committee had shrunk to its pre-2002 size of seven instead of nine members. This was followed by wide-ranging reforms to local Zhengfawei organs. For example, the practice of lower-level Zhengfawei chiefs concurrently holding the office of police chief (i.e. Public Security) and concurrent government posts was gradually phased out, and the Zhengfawei was discouraged from directly interfering with ongoing investigations or cases. These reforms signaled a reduction in the executive authority of Zhengfawei chiefs in favour of better checks and balances in the legal system, and a restoration of the Zhengfawei in a policy oversight role rather than being an executive organ, which had been the case under Zhou. == Trials ==
Related cases
Zhou Bin case Zhou Yongkang's eldest son, Zhou Bin, studied Science and Technology English at Southwest Petroleum University from 1989 to 1992, and was an alumnus of Mi Xiaodong and Zhu Liping. Later, he went to the University of Texas at Dallas to study, where he met Huang Yusheng and Zhan Minli's daughter, Huang Wan, and married her. The two returned to China in 2001. During his studies in the United States, Zhou Bin sold foreign oil equipment to Chinese oil companies through his connections. His main business was reselling oil equipment, reselling oilfield equity, obtaining projects as a supplier of China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), and holding shares in unverified companies. In 2001, under the control of Zhou Bin, Sichuan businessman Wu Bing established Zhongxu Investment. Zhongxu Industry, registered in March 2006, has two hydropower development companies, one real estate development company and several hydropower and real estate business extension companies. It mainly developed two hydropower projects: the Dadu River Longtoushi Hydropower Station with a total installed capacity of 700,000 kilowatts and an investment of 5.3 billion yuan, and the Geshizha Hydropower Station with a total installed capacity of 450,000 kilowatts and an investment of 3.2 billion yuan. Zhan Minli holds a partial controlling stake in the Dadu River Longtoushi Hydropower Station. Zhou Yuanxing and Zhou Yuanqing case After Zhou Yongkang rose to prominence, Zhou Yuanxing, Zhou Yongkang's younger brother, and his son Zhou Xiaohua made their fortune as agents for Wuliangye liquor. They also used their relationship with Zhou Yongkang to plead for people in lawsuits and get people released, sent students to a police academy in Jiangsu, and did business in steel pipes for oil fields without having a factory. Jiang Jiemin case Jiang Jiemin, the general manager of CNPC who was promoted by Zhou Yongkang, replaced a project that was about to be explored in Changqing oil field with a project that had already produced oil, and then approved it to people related to him for external cooperation in development. Although he did not agree with Zhou Bin's expansion of influence in Sichuan, Zhou Bin still opened companies there. In January 2014, Ye and Shen were taken away by the CCDI for investigation in connection with the Zhou Yongkang case. The two CCTV anchorwomen were "considered to be Zhou Yongkang's mistresses." The veracity of this report has not yet been confirmed. == Investigation ==
Investigation
Consensus among party leaders The new party leadership under Xi Jinping reportedly began planning the crackdown on Zhou beginning in 2012. Xi's 'tough talk' on corruption began immediately after his ascension to the post of General Secretary. In his first days in office, Xi vowed to crack down on "tigers and flies", meaning extremely powerful officials as well as petty ones. Xi moved quickly to set a new standard for the expected behavior of party officials, issuing a series of guidelines to clean up the party bureaucracy. Xi may have also been concerned that Zhou might use his influence and power to turn various state security entities into tools for advancing his interests, and in the process, undermine the central authority of the state. Discussions surrounding the Zhou case took place in the summer of 2013. In June, the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party held a four-day-long conference in Beijing specifically to discuss Zhou Yongkang. During the meeting, the members of China's ruling council reportedly exchanged differing viewpoints on Zhou. Eventually, Xi Jinping and the other six members of the newly formed 18th Politburo Standing Committee came to a consensus to investigate Zhou. At his visit to the Changping Campus of the China University of Petroleum, on 1 October 2013, Zhou publicly 'pledged his allegiance' to Xi Jinping, China's new leader, rallying students to unite behind Xi to pursue the "Chinese Dream". After visiting the China University of Petroleum, Zhou Yongkang has not made any public appearances since. His name last appeared in public reports in mainland China in late November 2013. Starting in August 2013, the Chinese Communist Party launched an internal investigation into the corruption of Zhou Yongkang's family. Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CCP Central Committee, set up a special task force led by Fu Zhenghua, Vice Minister of Public Security and Director of the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau, to investigate Zhou Yongkang. On 1 December, Zhou Yongkang's relatives, including Zhou Bin, Huang Wan, and Huang Yusheng, were taken into custody by relevant departments. Only Zhou Bin's mother-in-law, Zhan Minli, was in the United States and was not arrested. Zhou Bin had already hired two lawyers on 25 November to handle the case. At the same time, Zhou Bin's cousin Zhou Feng, his parents Zhou Yuanqing, and Zhou Yongkang's sister-in-law Zhou Lingying were also taken away for investigation. Zhou Yuanqing was "cared for" in the hospital. On the evening of 6 December 2013, Zhou Yongkang's younger brother Zhou Yuanxing's home was searched for "unexplained huge amounts of property belonging to non-state personnel". On 18 December the Zhou family's home was searched again. On 10 February 2014, after the two searches, Zhou Yuanxing died at home. More than 160 relatives and friends attended the funeral. Zhou Yongkang and several of his relatives were unable to attend the funeral because they were under control. In early December 2013, news broke that Zhou Yongkang and his brothers and sisters had been formally placed under house arrest and detained by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. In December 2013, media outside mainland China reported that Zhou Yongkang had been placed under investigation by the CCDI for allegedly launching a coup to overthrow Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang's decision to succeed him at the 18th CCP National Congress, and for ordering his assistant to kill his first wife in order to marry Jia Xiaoye. On the 11th of that month, Zhou Yongkang was absent from the farewell ceremony for Tang Ke, the former Minister of Petroleum Industry, held at the Babaoshan Funeral Home (Tang Ke's obituary was not publicly released until the 17th of that month). Personnel investigation Sources indicated that in early December, CCP General Secretarry Xi Jinping and other party and state leaders reached an agreement on the formal investigation of Zhou Yongkang by the Party Committee. A high-ranking official (believed to be Li Zhanshu, then Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee) went to Zhou Yongkang's residence in central Beijing to inform him of the decision to investigate. After that, Zhou Yongkang and his wife Jia Xiaoye were kept under guard. This move broke the unspoken rule of "no punishment for members of the Politburo Standing Committee" and was said to have "shocked the political landscape of China." This was also the highest-ranking official to be investigated for corruption since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. On 20 December, the website of the CCDI announced that Li Dongsheng, Vice Minister and Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee of the Ministry of Public Security, was under investigation for serious violations of discipline. Commentators believe that the downfall of Li Dongsheng, who had close ties with Zhou Yongkang, indicates that the CCP's discipline inspection department has begun to clean up Zhou Yongkang's associates, and that news of Zhou Yongkang's downfall is just around the corner. On December 30, the CCDI announced that Li Chongxi, chairman of the Sichuan Provincial Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, was placed under investigation for serious violations of discipline. He was Zhou Yongkang's personal secretary when he was the secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. On the same day, media personality Gao Yu posted on Twitter that Zhou Yongkang had been placed under investigation on 24 December. However, the Chinese government did not make any statement. The overseas Chinese website Duowei News said that Zhou Yongkang and his allies in the oil and political and legal system, such as Jiang Jiemin and Li Dongsheng, had been arrested. This may indicate that Zhou Yongkang's arrest is not far off. If these facts are true, then this is also considered to be the biggest corruption case since the founding of the People's Republic of China. In December, Zhou, his son Zhou Bin and his daughter-in-law Huang Wan were taken into custody. The home of Zhou's younger brother Zhou Yuanxing () was searched by the authorities twice. Yuanxing died in December 2013 after a battle with cancer. Zhou Yongkang and his son Zhou Bin were not present at the funeral, fueling speculation that Zhou and his family members were all in custody. Zhou was reportedly being held in confinement without visitation rights in a heavily guarded facility on a military base near Baotou, Inner Mongolia. By spring 2014, it became increasingly clear that Zhou's spheres of influence – the oil sector, Sichuan, the legal system, and his family members – were being methodically rounded up for investigation. However, in the absence of any official reports on Zhou himself, Chinese and international media became rife with speculation about his fate. On 2 March 2014, at a press conference of the second session of the 12th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. a reporter from Hong Kong–based South China Morning Post directly asked the spokesperson if he could provide more information on the rumours circulating about the Zhou Yongkang case. In response, the spokesman Lu Xinhua chuckled and said, "like you, I've seen some stories on a select few media outlets," he then recited a prepared party-line reply, then ended his response with a smile, "this is really all I can say in response to your question, I think you know what I mean." () Afterwards, the assembled press gallery burst into laughter. The South China Morning Post responded to a reporter's question about whether he had been arranged by relevant parties to ask this question beforehand. Official media began to use the "you know what I mean" special feature to refer to the big tigers. Following the announcement of the investigation of Ji Wenlin, then vice governor of Hainan, on 18 Februaryp 2014, Shen Dingcheng, then secretary of the Party Committee of CNPC International, was taken away for investigation before the Spring Festival in February 2014. Thus, all five secretaries of Zhou Yongkang during his time at CNPC, the Ministry of Land and Resources, Sichuan, and the Ministry of Public Security, including Guo Yongxiang, former chairman of the Sichuan Federation of Literary and Art Circles, Li Hualin, former vice president of CNPC, and Li Chongxi, former chairman of the Sichuan CPPCC, who were detained in 2013, have fallen from grace. On the same day, The New York Times reported that the CCDI detained Liang Ke, then director of the Beijing State Security Bureau, in January 2014, and the investigation into him also involved Zhou Yongkang. In May 2014, Bo Qiliang, a senior official of CNPC who had violated regulations by promoting Jia Xiaoye's younger sister, was investigated. In June 2014, Su Rong, a vice-state-level official who served as vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, was arrested. Media outlets such as Duowei News Network and Mingjing News Network reported that Su Rong was one of the main members of Zhou Yongkang's group. On 2 July 2014, Yu Gang was expelled from the Party and dismissed from public office. Chinese media pointed out without naming Yu Gang that he had served as Zhou Yongkang's secretary. Jia Xiaoxia, an aunt of Zhou Bin, a senior executive of PetroChina's Canadian branch, resigned and disappeared. On 16 July 2014, after Bo Qiliang was investigated, Song Yiwu, deputy general manager of CNPC Overseas Exploration and Development Company, and Li Zhiming, the actual person in charge of CNPC in Canada, were suspected of being related to the Zhou Yongkang family case and were recently taken away for investigation. Arrest and expulsion from the CCP Xinhua News Agency, the state news agency, released a breaking news report at 17:59:40 on 29 July 2014, announcing the formal launch of an investigation into Zhou Yongkang. This was the first time that the investigation into Zhou Yongkang had been publicly confirmed by Chinese official channels. The article formally announced that an internal party investigation against Zhou Yongkang's "violations of party discipline" had started, but did not mention any criminal wrongdoing. The news of Zhou Yongkang's downfall differed from the news of other officials' downfall, and some analysts believe that: • The report did not mention "illegal activities", only "disciplinary violations". The "disciplinary violations" refer to the decision made from the perspective of disciplinary action, indicating that the procuratorate has not yet intervened in the investigation of Zhou Yongkang. • The report did not use the word "investigation" but rather "review", which implies a lengthy investigation process. • The fact that the word " comrade " was not used in the announcement proves that the matter is true and has undergone the corresponding investigation process. The report pointed out that during Zhou Yongkang's tenure as a leader of China National Petroleum Corporation, the Ministry of Land and Resources, the Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee, and the Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, • He seriously violated Party discipline, abused his power, committed serious errors, and bears significant responsibility. • He abused his power to seek benefits for others and accepted huge bribes directly and through his family members. • He abused his power, and his son, Zhou, used his position to seek benefits for others, while his family members accepted huge amounts of money and valuables from others. • Having or maintaining improper sexual relations with multiple women; • Violating organizational and personnel discipline, resulting in serious consequences; • Suspected of embezzling huge amounts of state-owned assets; • Protecting and condoning organized crime groups. The report said that Zhou Yongkang's actions have caused serious consequences, greatly damaged the reputation of the People's Republic of China, had a very bad influence at home and abroad, and caused great losses to the People's Republic of China. The Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee decided, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party and the Regulations on Disciplinary Sanctions of the Chinese Communist Party, to expel Zhou Yongkang from the Party, pending ratification by the fourth plenary session of the 18th CCP Central Committee. The fourth plenary session of the 18th CCP Central Committee was held in Beijing from October 20 to 23, 2014. Several months later, the party investigation concluded that Zhou abused his power for the illicit gain of his family, friends, and associates, took "large amounts in bribes personally and through his family and associates; abused his power to further the interests of his family, mistresses, and associates; committed adultery with multiple women and engaged in the exchange of money and favours for sex; and leaked state and party secrets". State media announced Zhou's arrest to face criminal proceedings on December 5, 2014. He was expelled from the Chinese Communist Party. Zhou was the first Politburo Standing Committee member to be expelled from the party since the fall of the Gang of Four in 1980 after the Cultural Revolution. At midnight on 6 December 2014, Xinhua News Agency reported that the Politburo had reviewed and approved the "Report on the Investigation of Zhou Yongkang's Serious Violations of Discipline" by the CCDI on December 5, and decided to expel Zhou Yongkang from the Party and transfer his suspected crimes and clues to the judicial organs for handling according to law. The report stated: Wealth Reuters quoted sources as saying that from the end of 2013 to the end of March 2014, the CCP detained or interrogated more than 300 of Zhou Yongkang's family members and confidants, and froze or confiscated at least renminbi 90 billion in assets. The report quoted sources as saying that the procuratorate and anti-corruption departments searched multiple locations in seven provincial-level administrative regions, including Beijing, Liaoning, Jiangsu, Shandong, Shanghai and Guangdong, and seized about 326 luxury homes. They found a large amount of renminbi and foreign currency cash, gold, antiques, famous paintings, famous wines, etc., including more than 42 kilograms of gold, gold coins and silver. There was even an "armory" with 27 guns of various types and more than 10,000 rounds of ammunition. By March 2014, Chinese authorities were reported to have seized assets worth at least 90 billion yuan ($14.5 billion) from Zhou's family members and associates. Zhou's family reportedly made billions of dollars by investing in the oil industry, of which Zhou had headed the largest company, China National Petroleum Corp. According to the Hong Kong–based Apple Daily, Zhou's eldest son made more than US$1.6 billion from public works in the city of Chongqing alone. He also supposedly used his father's prominence to extort millions of dollars in protection fees from various businesses and organizations. == Trial and sentencing ==
Trial and sentencing
At 9:00 AM on April 3, 2015, the website of the CCDI announced that the investigation into Zhou Yongkang's case had been completed by the Supreme People's Procuratorate and, upon designation of jurisdiction, transferred to the First Branch of the Tianjin Municipal People's Procuratorate for review and prosecution. On the same day, the First Branch of the Tianjin Municipal People's Procuratorate filed a public prosecution against Zhou Yongkang with the Tianjin First Intermediate People's Court on charges of bribery, abuse of power, and intentional disclosure of state secrets. The indictment alleges that: "During his tenure as Vice General Manager of China National Petroleum Corporation, Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, Member of the Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee, Minister of Public Security, State Councilor, and Member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee and Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, the defendant Zhou Yongkang took advantage of his position to seek benefits for others and illegally accepted huge amounts of money and property from others; abused his power, causing significant losses to public property, national and people's interests, and causing a bad social impact, with particularly serious circumstances; violated the provisions of the Law on Guarding State Secrets by intentionally leaking state secrets, with particularly serious circumstances, and should be held criminally liable for bribery, abuse of power and intentional leaking of state secrets." In April 2015, Zhou Yongkang was formally charged with abuse of power, bribery, and intentionally leaking state secrets, and scheduled to face trial at the Tianjin First Intermediate People's Court. Overseas Chinese media were rife with speculation about the 'treatment' Zhou was to receive. However, Zhou's trial unexpectedly took place behind closed doors. On June 11, state media made an announcement – without any apparent warning – that Zhou's verdict had already been reached. The official report on Zhou's trial was brief and stated that he had been convicted on all three charges. The legal sentence, according to the state, was life in prison for bribery, seven years for abuse of power, and four years for "leaking state secrets". The court decided that Zhou could serve prison terms concurrently and amalgamated the sentences into one 'combined' life sentence. The total value of bribes taken by Zhou and his family was said to be 129.7 million yuan (~$18.87 million). State television showed Zhou pleading guilty with a head of fully gray hair, in contrast to his combed jet black hair dye he was known for before his retirement. Due to the involvement of state secrets, the trial was not held in public. Zhou Yongkang stated in court that all the evidence of the above-mentioned crimes was true and he had no objection. He accepted the court's judgment and would not appeal. Overseas media had compared Zhou's trial to that of Bo Xilai two years earlier, which was noted for being unusually open. In contrast to Bo, Zhou did not appear to dispute his charges. Bo, for the most part, denied his guilt and blamed much of the misdeeds he was accused of on his associates and his family. Zhou, on the other hand, said that "they tried to bribe my family, but really they were after my power. I should assume major responsibility for this". State-run news agency Xinhua said that the trial took place in secret because state secrets were involved in the case. Zhou's son, Zhou Bin, fled to the US in early 2013 and returned after negotiations with Chinese authorities. In June 2016, Zhou Bin was found guilty of taking 222 million yuan ($34m) in bribes and illegally trading in restricted commodities, and 350 million yuan ($53m) of illicit gains were confiscated; Zhou's wife, Jia Xiaoyue, was fined 1m yuan ($150,000) for bribe-taking. Zhou's son and wife were sentenced to 18 years and 9 years imprisonment respectively. == Reactions ==
Reactions
The provincial party committees of 18 provinces in China held meetings and published their support for the central government's investigation of Zhou Yongkang on the front page of their party newspapers. Among them, Shaanxi and Guizhou expressed their support on July 31; Anhui, Shanxi, Henan, Hainan and Hebei on August 1; Sichuan, Jilin, Hunan and Hubei on August 2; Tibet Autonomous Region and Heilongjiang on August 3; Yunnan, Gansu and Liaoning on August 4; and Jiangsu on August 5. In terms of the military, the entire army and armed police force supported the investigation of Zhou Yongkang. On August 17, Qinghai supported the central government's handling of Zhou Yongkang and was the last province to express its support. By this time, all 31 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions in mainland China had expressed their support for the central government. Departments that Zhou Yongkang once controlled expressed their support for taking action against him, including the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, the national political and legal cadres, the Ministry of Justice, China National Petroleum Corporation, the Supreme People's Court and the Supreme People's Procuratorate. After the announcement of Zhou's expulsion from the party, the party's official newspaper ''People's Daily'' editorialized that Zhou's expulsion was part of the "strong resolve" to stamp out corruption in the party by General Secretary Xi Jinping. The editorial said the case demonstrated that the party saw "everyone as equal in the eyes of the law". It said that Zhou "betrayed the essence and mission of the party" and that "corruption in the party is like fire and water". Media outlets outside of mainland China speculated about the political reasons behind Zhou's downfall. He Pin (何频), the chief editor of the overseas Chinese news portal Mingjing, went one step further and asserted plainly that Zhou fell because he was engaged in a political conspiracy to depose Xi Jinping. In contrast, The New York Times did not speculate on political reasons behind Zhou's arrest, simply writing that ordinary Chinese people may be alarmed that the legal system was once in the hands of a deeply corrupt politician. Duowei News expressed disappointment with mainstream Western media characterization of the event as "yet another political purge", asserting that seeing modern China, particularly the post-Xi Communist Party, as rife with political intrigue and full of backroom deals is imprecise and naive. Duowei stated that Western media had a very poor grasp of what Xi was trying to achieve, and that Zhou's downfall was but a small element of a larger campaign by Xi Jinping to clean up the party, institutionalize power structures, and re-build the party's legitimacy. == References ==
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