The "Führer Myth" utilized propaganda and the
Führerprinzip to portray Hitler as an infallible genius who was above party politics, and was totally dedicated to protecting and saving the German people from both insidious outside forces, such as "
Jewish Bolshevism", and from internal factors such as conservative, centrist and liberal politics and politicians who supported
democracy and were the backbone of the
Weimar Republic. To a lesser extent, religion was included in the Nazi's litany of destructive internal forces, but because the German people – both
Protestants and
Roman Catholics – were very attached to their religious beliefs, this aspect of Nazi ideology was soft-pedaled, and its presentation was inconsistent. The power of the myth was so embedded into German society that the ballot cards for elections and plebiscites in the early 1930s did not refer to the "Nazi Party" but rather the "Hitler Movement". Although "National Socialism" had been used by other political parties before the rise of the Nazis, Nazism was Hitlerism in simple terms. stated in 1941 that one of his greatest achievements was creating the Führer myth. During the 1930s, Hitler's popularity was largely due to the Führer myth being accepted by a majority of Germans. Most Germans sought recovery, security and prosperity, and Hitler seemed to offer all of those things. Most Germans approved of his socio-economic policies and the draconian measures against those regarded as "enemies" of the state because the Nazis appeared to have the solutions to all of Germany's problems. The Führer myth enabled the
Schutzstaffel (SS) to carry out terror among the German population, because it went largely unnoticed, due to the enthusiasm for Hitler and the Nazi regime. The myth helped Germans to view Hitler as a statesman who was determined to "save" Germany from the scourge of "Jewish
Bolshevism", which is how the Nazis and other ultra-nationalists referred to
Marxism and
communism. To some extent, the myth contributed to Germans accepting or overlooking the Nazi's policies towards Jews. Hitler himself – along with Joseph Goebbels – was a significant contributor to the creation of the myth. Hitler understood the importance of propaganda and the need to create an aura about himself. Reflecting on the claims he had made in 1933 to the German people, Hitler said in 1938: Joseph Goebbels told officials at the Propaganda Ministry in 1941 that his two greatest achievements were "the style and technique of the Party's public ceremonies; the ceremonial of the mass demonstrations, the ritual of the great Party occasion" and the "creation of the myth, Hitler had been given the halo of infallibility, with the result that many people who looked askance at the Party after 1933 had now complete confidence in Hitler". The most important theme of Nazi propaganda was the cult of the leader, portraying Hitler as a charismatic leader who had saved Germany. The Führer myth, along with the
Führerprinzip, helped to curb internal crises within the Nazi Party, as Hitler himself asserted in 1935; "No, gentlemen. The Führer is the Party and the Party is the Führer". The myth also lent to the legitimacy of Nazism as a political ideology abroad. Although it was not the case, the myth gave credence to the idea that the Nazis had managed to integrate all Germans in society. The extent that the myth had penetrated into German society meant that it was nearly impossible for any German who read a newspaper, listened to a radio or watched any films to avoid it, since the Nazis owned all of the media and they determined what Germans were able to read and watch. The Führer myth was a double-sided phenomenon. On the one hand, Nazi propaganda worked continuously to convey an image of Hitler as a heroic figure who made all of the right choices. On the other hand, it can be seen as observation of value-systems and ethics which subscribed to a "supreme" leadership. The cult of leadership surrounding Hitler also served to prevent the Nazi Party from fragmenting into warring factions, especially after Hitler had eliminated his rivals
Ernst Röhm and
Gregor Strasser in the
purge of 1934. With the
Führer as the embodiment of the Party's ideology and the people's hopes for national salvation, held blameless by the public when things went badly, it was virtually impossible for any of Hitler's paladins to attempt to replace him via a palace coup.
Economic aspects After World War I, the
Weimar Republic of Germany was hit hard by
hyperinflation and the
Great Depression which followed it. Many Germans had difficulty separating the German loss of the war from the unrelated effects of the economic collapse which followed, and, in a country with no history of
democracy, tended to blame the conditions laid down by the
Allies in the
Treaty of Versailles and the novel governmental form of democracy in a
republic for their economic woes, instead of looking at the root cause, which was world-wide economic conditions. When Weimar was not able to offer them the relief they needed, they started to look for a champion who could fix things, one who also did not believe in democracy or republican government, and who offered what appeared to be solutions to Germany's economic problems. Without the apparent
economic successes of the early 1930s, it is highly unlikely that the Hitler myth would have been able to penetrate so far into German society. The irony of this is that what economic successes occurred were not Hitler's doing. Relief from Germany's onerous war reparations – which had been lessened by the
Dawes Plan in 1925, the
Young Plan in 1929, and the
Hoover Moratorium in 1931, and were canceled by the
Lausanne Conference of 1932 – was due to much careful negotiating and diplomacy by Germany's long-term Foreign Minister
Gustav Stresemann before his death in 1929, and afterwards by Chancellor
Heinrich Brüning. The massive public-works program, for instance, which brought down unemployment by two million in early 1933 was instituted by Brüning's successor, and Hitler's predecessor, Chancellor
Kurt von Schleicher, 48 hours before he left office; Hitler merely got to take credit for von Schleicher's program. Moreover, globally, the Great Depression was slowly giving way by the mid-1930s, although some of its negative effects lasted until the beginning of World War II. The one aspect of Germany's economic recovery after Hitler took office which he could legitimately take credit for, was the effect – both positive and negative – on the German economy of massive spending for
rearmament, including the wholesale expansion of the army, the building of new
battleships and
U-boats, and the creation from whole cloth of the
Luftwaffe, the German air force. The working class was the least susceptible to the Hitler myth since they still had low wages and longer working hours. Nevertheless, the "socialist" appeal of Nazism ensured some amount of support from German workers, who benefited from the
Winter Relief campaigns. The middle class benefited the most from the apparent economic successes and despite their criticisms, at least until the middle of the war, they remained the most firm supporters of Hitler and the Nazi regime.
Foreign policy and military aspects Hitler was regarded as the unique force behind the Nazi movement and someone who transcended party politics and aimed to unite all Germans into a
people's community (
Volksgemeinschaft). Despite criticism of the Nazi regime being apparent during the 1930s, Hitler's early successful foreign policies, reversing the restrictions of the
Treaty of Versailles and uniting all ethnic Germans under one state led to Hitler's popularity soaring, which enhanced the myth. Although it remains unknown how many Germans genuinely believed in the Führer myth, even those Germans who were critical of Hitler and the Nazi regime believed in it by the late 1930s. Most Germans had been impressed by the apparent successes of the Nazi regime, which were all attributed to Hitler himself. For example, in 1938 after the
Anschluss one report by the
Social Democratic Party of Germany concluded: Up until 1938, the myth helped to convince most Germans that Hitler was a politician of conviction who was standing up for Germany's rights. Before the start of
World War II, the Führer myth was almost complete, but it was still missing an important trait: Hitler being a military genius. Even before the start of the war, the Nazi propaganda machine was working towards portraying that image to the German people. This was preceded by the myth of Hitler's diplomatic and foreign policy genius, which was spawned by his triumphs in the
remilitarisation of the Rhineland, the
Anschluss with Austria, being given the
Sudetenland by the
Western powers in Munich, and the bloodless
invasion and partition of Czechoslovakia. By the lead-up to the
Invasion of Poland, foreign minister
Joachim von Ribbentrop was threatening to execute anyone on his staff who doubted Hitler's prediction that Poland would collapse in days and that England would not intervene on its behalf. On Hitler's 50th birthday on April 20, 1939, the military parade was aimed to portray him as "the future military leader, taking muster of his armed forces". After the war began on September 1, 1939, the image of Hitler being a supreme war leader and a military genius came to dominate the myth more than any other aspect of it. Although many Germans were worried about the aspect of another war, once the war began, there was a development in the myth. The early successes brought about a deeper level of emotional attachment because he was said to have represented the national community and national greatness, and that he was going to turn Germany into a world power. The euphoria only lasted while triumphs continued, but once they stopped then the emotional attachment was lost.
Legal aspects Beginning in 1934–35, the Führer myth began to determine the constitutional law of Nazi Germany. Nazi lawyer
Hans Frank stated, "Constitutional Law in the Third Reich is the legal formulation of the historic will of the Führer, but the historic will of the Führer is not the fulfilment of legal preconditions for his activity." As early as March 23, 1933, Hitler declared that the primary reason for the law was so that "our judiciary must, first and foremost, serve the preservation of the
Volk community", that "the flexibility of judgements calculated to serve the preservation of society must be appropriate in light of the fixed tenure of the judges" and warned that, "in the future, state and national treason will be annihilated with barbaric ruthlessness". Shortly after Hitler had merged the two positions of Chancellor and President into one to create the position "Führer and chancellor", Frank gave a speech on September 10, 1934, and announced the implementation of Hitler's will as the law: The various racial definitions of "
Aryan", "German blood" and so on that were used during Nazi Germany were all said to be determined by Hitler himself which prompted Nazi author Andreas Veit to write that "All with a truly German sense know to thank the Führer". Nazi experts on the law in Nazi Germany described it as a "Führer state" to convey the notion that the will of the German people was determined by Hitler's will. On April 26, 1942, Hitler gave a speech to the Reichstag in which he declared himself to be the supreme judge of the German people, the survival of the German people was not to be bound by any legal matters, he would intervene when sentences did not match the severity of the crimes and declared that, "I will take a hand in these cases from now on and direct the order to the judges that they recognise that as right what I order". The speech was met with a thunderous applause by those who were present. Shortly afterwards, a decree was issued by the Reichstag which stated: On August 28, 1942, Hitler issued a decree which enabled Nazi jurist
Otto Georg Thierack to do whatever was necessary to coerce judges to toe the line with Hitler's thinking and guidelines on matters. Thus, legal procedures were made to match Hitler's will.
Religious aspects Hitler often used religious terms in his speeches, such as the "resurrection" of the German people and finished his speeches with "Amen". The 24th point of the Nazi
25-point Program stated that the Nazi Party advocated "
positive Christianity," and Hitler emphasised his commitment to Christianity to the Catholic
Centre Party to persuade them to vote for the
Enabling Act of 1933. In reality, many Nazis – such as
Alfred Rosenberg and
Martin Bormann – were deeply opposed to religion and were anti-Christian. After gaining complete power they pursued an
attack on the church ("
Kirchenkampf"), especially
against the Catholic Church. The primary reason that Hitler and the Nazis did not openly advocate anti-Christian views before gaining power was because they knew that it would have alienated so many Germans, since the vast majority of them were religious to some extent. During Nazi Germany, German children were told that Hitler was "sent from God" and that he was their "faith" and "light", which portrayed him as a divine prophet rather than a normal politician. During the 1930s, Hitler began to speak in mystical terms when talking to German "national comrades". After the Nazi
remilitarisation of the Rhineland in March 1936, Hitler declared, "I go the way that
Providence dictates with the assurance of a sleepwalker". In May 1936 in Lustgarten, he said, "We are so fortunate to be able to live amongst these people, and I am proud to be your Führer. So proud that I cannot imagine anything in this world capable of convincing me to trade it for something else. I would sooner, a thousand times sooner, be the last national comrade among you than a king anywhere else. And this pride fills me today above all". Hitler identified himself with the German people in September 1936 when he said, "That you have found me... among so many millions is the miracle of our time! And that I have found you, that is Germany's fortune!" ==Loyalty and devotion==