Africa Akan Some 20 million
Akan live in Africa, particularly in
Ghana and
Ivory Coast. (See as well their subgroups, the
Ashanti, also called Asante,
Akyem,
Bono,
Fante,
Akwamu.) Many but not all of the Akan still (2001) practice their traditional matrilineal customs, living in their traditional
extended family households, as follows. The traditional Akan economic, political and social organization is based on maternal lineages, which are the basis of inheritance and succession. A lineage is defined as all those related by
matrilineal descent from a particular ancestress. Several lineages are grouped into a
political unit headed by a chief and a council of elders, each of whom is the elected head of a lineage – which itself may include multiple extended-family households. Public offices are thus vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin. "The principles governing inheritance stress sex, generation and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit. The political units above are likewise grouped into eight larger groups called
abusua (similar to
clans), named Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona and Oyoko. The members of each
abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress. Marriage between members of the same
abusua is forbidden. One inherits or is a lifelong member of the lineage, the political unit, and the
abusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender and/or marriage. Note that members and their spouses thus belong to different
abusuas, mother and children living and working in one household and their husband/father living and working in a different household. of further information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This must be viewed in the context of a
polygamous society in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (sister's son) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships therefore assume a dominant position." taboos, ritual purifications, and etiquette. Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care etc. are then handled by that individual family rather than by the
abusua or clan, especially in the city. The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important,
Kongo The Kongo people of
Angola, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Gabon and the
Republic of the Congo have traditionally recognized their descent from their mother, and this lineage links them into kinship groups.
Serer The
Serer people of
Senegal, the
Gambia and
Mauritania are patrilineal (
simanGol in
Serer language) as well as matrilineal (
tim). There are several
Serer matriclans and
matriarchs. Some of these matriarchs include
Fatim Beye (1335) and
Ndoye Demba (1367) – matriarchs of the
Joos matriclan which also became a dynasty in
Waalo (Senegal). Some
matriclans or maternal clans form part of
Serer medieval and
dynastic history, such as the
Guelowars. The most revered clans tend to be rather ancient and form part of
Serer ancient history. These
proto-Serer clans hold great significance in
Serer religion and
mythology. Some of these proto-Serer matriclans include the
Cegandum and
Kagaw, whose historical account is enshrined in Serer religion, mythology and
traditions. In Serer culture, inheritance is both matrilineal and patrilineal.). The actual handling of these maternal assets (such as jewelry, land, livestock, equipment or furniture, etc.) is discussed in the subsection
Role of the Tokoor of one of the above-listed main articles.
Tuareg The
Tuareg (Arabic:طوارق, sometimes spelled Touareg in French, or Twareg in English) are a large
Berber ethnic confederation found across several nations in north Africa, including
Niger,
Mali and
Algeria. The Tuareg are
clan-based, and are (still, in 2007) "largely matrilineal". The Tuareg are
Muslim, but mixed with a "heavy dose" of their pre-existing beliefs including matriliny.
Americas Bororo The Bororo people of Brazil and Bolivia live in matrilineal clans, with husbands moving to live with their wives' extended families.
Bribri The clan system of the Bribri people of Costa Rica and Panama is matrilineal; that is, a child's clan is determined by the clan his or her mother belongs to. Only women can inherit land.
Cabécar The social organization of the Cabécar people of Costa Rica is predicated on matrilineal clans in which the mother is the head of household. Each matrilineal clan controls marriage possibilities, regulates land tenure, and determines property inheritance for its members.
Guna In the traditional culture of the
Guna people of Panama and Colombia, families are matrilinear and matrilocal, with the groom moving to become part of the bride's family. The groom also takes the last name of the bride.
Hopi The
Hopi (in what is now the
Hopi Reservation in northeastern
Arizona), according to
Alice Schlegel, had as its "gender ideology ... one of female superiority, and it operated within a social actuality of sexual equality." According to LeBow (based on Schlegel's work), in the Hopi, "gender roles ... are egalitarian .... [and] [n]either sex is inferior." LeBow concluded that Hopi women "participate fully in ... political decision-making." According to Schlegel, "the Hopi no longer live as they are described here" and "the attitude of female superiority is fading". and "the household ... was matrilocal". and "had no standing army" since there was no "countervailing ... strongly centralized, male-centered political structure". through what may have been a matriarchy or "gyneocracy". The dates of this constitution's operation are unknown: the League was formed in approximately 1000–1450, but the constitution was oral until written in about 1880. The League still exists. Other Iroquoian-speaking peoples such as the
Wendat and the
Meherrin, that were never part of the Iroquois League, nevertheless have traditionally possessed a matrilineal family structure.
Kogi The Kogi people of northern Colombia practice bilateral inheritance, with certain rights, names or associations descending matrilineally.
Lenape Occupied for 10,000 years by
Native Americans, the land that is present-day
New Jersey was overseen by
clans of the
Lenape, who farmed, fished, and hunted upon it. The pattern of their culture was that of a matrilineal agricultural and mobile hunting society that was sustained with fixed, but not permanent, settlements in their
matrilineal clan territories. Leadership by men was inherited through the maternal line, and the women elders held the power to remove leaders of whom they disapproved. Villages were established and relocated as the clans farmed new sections of the land when soil fertility lessened and when they moved among their fishing and hunting grounds by seasons. The area was claimed as a part of the Dutch
New Netherland province dating from 1614, where active trading in furs took advantage of the natural pass west, but the Lenape prevented permanent settlement beyond what is now Jersey City. "Early Europeans who first wrote about these Indians found matrilineal social organization to be unfamiliar and perplexing. As a result, the early records are full of 'clues' about early Lenape society, but were usually written by observers who did not fully understand what they were seeing."
Mandan The Mandan people of the northern Great Plains of the United States historically lived in matrilineal extended family lodges.
Naso The Naso (Teribe or Térraba) people of Panama and Costa Rica describe themselves as a matriarchal community, although their monarchy has traditionally been inherited in the male line.
Diné (Navajo) The Diné (Navajo) people of the American southwest are a matrilineal society in which kinship, children, livestock and family histories are passed down through the female. In marriage the groom moved to live with the bride's family. Children also came from their mother's clan living in hogans of the females family.
Tanana Athabaskan The Tanana Athabaskan people, the original inhabitants of the Tanana River basin in Alaska and Canada, traditionally lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.
Tlingit Lingít The Tlingit people, the original inhabitants of the Lingít Aaní in Alaska and Canada, are organized into Matrilineal Clans. All property both physical and intellectual are owned by their clan.
Tsenacommacah (Powhatan Confederacy) The
Powhatan and other tribes of the
Tsenacommacah, also known as the Powhatan Confederacy, practiced a version of male-preference matrilineal
seniority, favoring brothers over sisters in the current generation (but allowing sisters to inherit if no brothers remained), but passing to the next generation through the eldest female line. In
A Map of Virginia John Smith of Jamestown explains:His
[Chief Powhatan's] kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children: but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3 namely Opitchapan,
Opechancanough, and Catataugh; and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest: and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister; but never to the heires of the males.
Upper Kuskokwim The Upper Kuskokwim people are the original inhabitants of the Upper Kuskokwim River basin. They speak an Athabaskan language more closely related to Tanana than to the language of the Lower Kuskokkwim River basin. They were traditionally hunter-gatherers who lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.
Wayuu The Wayuu people of Colombia and Venezuela live in matrilineal clans, with paternal relationships in the background.
Asia China Originally,
Chinese surnames were derived matrilineally, although by the time of the
Shang dynasty (1600 to 1046
BCE) they had become patrilineal. Archaeological data supports the theory that during the
Neolithic period (7000 to 2000
BCE) in China, Chinese matrilineal clans evolved into the usual patrilineal families by passing through a transitional patrilineal clan phase. "and thus have been known to be more egalitarian." Some Hindu communities in Southwest India practiced matriliny, especially the
Nair (or
Nayar),
Tiyyas and some
Namboothiri Brahmins in the state of
Kerala, and the
Bunts and
Billava in the state of
Karnataka. The system of inheritance was known as
Marumakkathayam in the
Nair community or
Aliyasantana in the
Bunt and the
Billava community, and both communities were subdivided into
clans. This system was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems in India that gave women some liberty and the right to property. In the matrilineal system of
Kerala, southern India, the family lived together in a
tharavadu which was composed of a mother, her brothers and younger sisters, and her children in a system called as
Marumakkathayam. The oldest male member was known as the
Karnavar and was the head of the household, managing the family estate. Lineage was traced through the mother, and the children belonged to the mother's family. The
surname would be from the maternal side and all family property was jointly owned. In the event of a partition, the shares of the children were clubbed with that of the mother. The Karnavar's property was inherited by his sisters' sons rather than his own sons. Almost all the kingdoms in Kerala practised this system, with the Karnavar of the family becoming the king. The
Arakkal kingdom of Kerala followed a similar matrilineal system of descent: the eldest member of the family, whether male or female, became its head and ruler. (For further information see the articles on
Nair,
Ambalavasi,
Bunts and
Billava).
Amitav Ghosh has stated that, although there were numerous other matrilineal succession systems in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matriliny". In the
northeast Indian state
Meghalaya, the
Khasi,
Garo,
Jaintia people have a long tradition of a largely matrilinear system in which the youngest daughter inherits the wealth of the parents and takes over their care.
Indonesia In the
Minangkabau matrilineal
clan culture in
Indonesia, a person's
clan name is important in their marriage and their other cultural-related events. Two totally unrelated people who share the same clan name can never be married because they are considered to be from the same clan mother (unless they come from distant villages). Likewise, when
Minangs meet total strangers who share the same clan name, anywhere in Indonesia, they could theoretically expect to feel that they are distant relatives. Minang people do not have a family name or surname; neither is one's important clan name included in one's name; instead one's
given name is the only name one has. The
Minangs are one of the world's largest matrilineal societies/cultures/ethnic groups, with a population of 4 million in their home province
West Sumatra in Indonesia and about 4 million elsewhere, mostly in Indonesia. The Minang people are well known within their country for their tradition of matriliny and for their "dedication to Islam" – despite Islam being "supposedly patrilineal". Besides Minangkabau, several other ethnics in Indonesia are also matrilineal and have similar culture as the Minangkabau. They are Suku Melayu Bebilang, Suku Kubu and Kerinci people. Suku Melayu Bebilang live in Kota Teluk Kuantan, Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi (also known as Kuansing), Riau. They have similar culture as the Minang. Suku Kubu people live in Jambi and South Sumatera. They are around 200 000 people. Suku Kerinci people mostly live in Kabupaten Kerinci, Jambi. They are around 300 000 people.
Kurds Matriliny was occasionally practiced by mainstream
Sorani,
Zaza,
Feyli,
Gorani, and
Alevi Kurds, though the practice was much rarer among non-
Alevi Kurmanji-speaking
Kurds. Alevi identity is often matrilineal in practice, especially among Alevis from Dersim. The
Mangur clan of the, Culturally,
Mokri tribal confederation and, politically,
Bolbas Federation is an enatic clan, meaning members of the clan can only inherit their mothers last name and are considered to be a part of the mothers family. The entire Mokri tribe may have also practiced this form of enaticy before the collapse of their emirate and its direct rule from the Iranian or Ottoman state, or perhaps the tradition started because of depopulation in the area due to raids.
Malaysia A culture similar to lareh bodi caniago, practiced by the
Minangkabau, is the basis for
adat perpatih practices in the state of
Negeri Sembilan and parts of
Malacca as a product of West Sumatran migration into the
Malay Peninsula in the 15th century.
Sri Lanka Matriliny among the
Muslims and
Tamils in the Eastern Province of
Sri Lanka arrived from
Kerala, India via Muslim traders before 1200 CE. Matriliny here includes
kinship and social organization, inheritance and property rights. For example, "the mother's
dowry property and/or house is passed on to the eldest daughter." The
Sinhalese people are the third ethnic group in eastern Sri Lanka, and have a kinship system which is "intermediate" between that of matriliny and that of
patriliny, along with "bilateral inheritance", intermediate between matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance. While the first two groups speak the
Tamil language, the third group speaks the
Sinhala language. The Tamils largely identify with
Hinduism, the Sinhalese being primarily
Buddhist. The three groups are about equal in population size.
Patriarchal social structures apply to all of Sri Lanka, but in the
Eastern Province are mixed with the matrilineal features summarized in the paragraph above and described more completely in the following subsection: According to Kanchana N. Ruwanpura,
Eastern Sri Lanka "is highly regarded even among"
feminist economists "for the relatively favourable position of its women, reflected" in women's equal achievements in
Human Development Indices "(HDIs) as well as matrilineal and"
bilateral "inheritance patterns and property rights". She also conversely argues that "
feminist economists need to be cautious in applauding Sri Lanka's gender-based achievements and/or matrilineal communities", because these matrilineal communities coexist with "
patriarchal structures and ideologies" and the two "can be strange but ultimately compatible bedfellows", as follows: She "positions Sri Lankan women within gradations of
patriarchy by beginning with a brief overview of the main religious traditions,"
Buddhism,
Hinduism, and
Islam, "and the ways in which patriarchal interests are promoted through religious practice" in Eastern Sri Lanka (but without being as repressive as classical patriarchy). Thus, "feminists have claimed that Sri Lankan women are relatively well positioned in the"
South Asian region, despite "patriarchal institutional laws that ... are likely to work against the interests of women," which is a "co-operative conflict" between women and these laws. (Clearly "female-heads have no legal recourse" from these laws which state "patriarchal interests".) For example, "the economic welfare of female-heads [heads of households] depends upon networks" ("of kin and [matrilineal] community"), "networks that mediate the patriarchal-ideological nexus." She wrote that "some female heads possessed" "feminist consciousness" and, at the same time, that "in many cases female-heads are not vociferous feminists ... but rather 'victims' of patriarchal relations and structures that place them in precarious positions.... [while] they have held their ground ... [and] provided for their children". On the other hand, she also wrote that feminists including
Malathi de Alwis and
Kumari Jayawardena have criticized a romanticized view of women's lives in Sri Lanka put forward by Yalman, and mentioned the Sri Lankan case "where young women raped (usually by a man) are married-off/required to cohabit with the rapists!"
Vietnam Most ethnic groups classified as "(
Montagnards,
Malayo-Polynesian and
Austroasian)" are matrilineal. On
North Vietnam, according to Alessandra Chiricosta, the legend of
Âu Cơ is said to be evidence of "the presence of an original 'matriarchy' ... and [it] led to the double kinship system, which developed there .... [and which] combined matrilineal and patrilineal patterns of family structure and assigned equal importance to both lines."
Australia The
Arabana people of South Australia are described by
Francis Gillen and
Walter Baldwin Spencer in their 1899 book
The Native Tribes of Central Australia (in which the name is spelled Urabunna) as counting their descent "in the female line". The
Diyari people of South Australia are described by Francis James Gillen and Walter Baldwin Spencer in their 1899 book
The Native Tribes of Central Australia (in which the name is spelled Dieri) as counting their descent "in the female line". The
Tiwi people living on the Tiwi Islands of Australia's Northern Territory base their social structure on matrilineal kinship groups. Traditional marriage practices have persisted in spite of the presence of Christian missionaries on the islands.
Europe Ancient Greece While men held positions of religious and political power, the Spartan constitution mandated that inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter.
Ancient Scotland In Pictish society, succession in leadership (later kingship) was matrilineal, with the reigning chief succeeded by either his brother or perhaps a nephew but not through patrilineal succession of father to son.
Oceania Some oceanic societies, such as the
Marshallese and the Trobrianders, the
Palauans, the
Yapese and the Siuai, are characterized by matrilineal descent. The sister's sons or the brothers of the decedent are commonly the successors in these societies. == Matrilineal identification within Judaism ==