Republican era Romans knew Cybele as
Magna Mater ("Great Mother"), or as
Magna Mater deorum Idaea ("great Idaean mother of the gods"), equivalent to the Greek title
Meter Theon Idaia ("Mother of the Gods, from Mount Ida"). Rome officially adopted her cult during the 14th year of the
Second Punic War (204 BC). A reference was found in the
Sibylline oracle stating that if Italy were ever invaded by a foreign enemy they could be defeated and removed if Rome imported the
Magna Mater ("Great Mother") of Phrygian Pessinos, a black meteoric stoneAs this cult object belonged to a Roman ally, the
Kingdom of Pergamum, the Roman Senate sent ambassadors to seek the king's consent; en route, a consultation with the
Greek oracle at Delphi confirmed that the goddess should be brought to Rome and that it was necessary that the goddess be greeted upon arrival by the best man in the city. Roman legend connects this voyage, or its end, to the matron
Claudia Quinta, who was accused of unchastity but proved her innocence with a miraculous feat on behalf of the goddess.
Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, supposedly the "best man" in Rome, was chosen to meet the goddess at
Ostia; and Rome's most virtuous matrons (including
Claudia Quinta) conducted her to the
temple of Victoria, to await the completion of her temple on the
Palatine Hill. Pessinos' stone was later used as the face of the statue of the goddess. Most modern scholarship agrees that Cybele's consort,
Attis, and her eunuch Phrygian priests (
Galli) would have arrived with the goddess, along with at least some of the wild, ecstatic features of her Greek and Phrygian cults. The histories of her arrival deal with the piety, purity, and status of the Romans involved, the success of their religious stratagem, and power of the goddess herself; she has no consort or priesthood, and seems fully Romanised from the first. Some modern scholars assume that Attis must have followed much later; or that the Galli, described in later sources as shockingly effeminate and flamboyantly "un-Roman", must have been an unexpected consequence of bringing the goddess in blind obedience to the Sibyl; a case of "biting off more than one can chew". Others note that Rome was well versed in the adoption (or sometimes,
the "calling forth", or seizure) of foreign deities, and the diplomats who negotiated Cybele's move to Rome would have been well-educated, and well-informed. Romans believed that Cybele, considered a Phrygian outsider even within her Greek cults, was the mother-goddess of ancient
Troy (Ilium). Some of Rome's leading
patrician families claimed Trojan ancestry; so the "return" of the Mother of all Gods to her once-exiled people would have been particularly welcome, even if her spouse and priesthood were not; its accomplishment would have reflected well on the principals involved and, in turn, on their descendants. The upper classes who sponsored the Magna Mater's festivals delegated their organisation to the
plebeian aediles, and honoured her and each other with lavish, private festival banquets from which her Galli would have been conspicuously absent. Whereas in most of her Greek cults she dwelt outside the
polis, in Rome she was the city's protector, contained within her Palatine precinct, along with her priesthood, at the geographical heart of Rome's most ancient religious traditions. She was promoted as patrician property; a Roman matron – albeit a strange one, "with a stone for a face" – who acted for the clear benefit of the Roman state. ,
Lazio Imperial era Augustan ideology identified Magna Mater with Imperial order and Rome's religious authority throughout the empire. Augustus claimed a Trojan ancestry through his adoption by
Julius Caesar and the divine favour of
Venus; in the iconography of
Imperial cult, the empress
Livia was Magna Mater's earthly equivalent, Rome's protector and symbolic "Great Mother"; the goddess is portrayed with Livia's face on
cameos and statuary. By this time, Rome had absorbed the goddess's Greek and Phrygian homelands, and the Roman version of Cybele as Imperial Rome's protector was introduced there. Imperial Magna Mater protected the empire's cities and agriculture —
Ovid "stresses the barrenness of the earth before the Mother's arrival. Virgil's
Aeneid (written between 29 and 19 BC) embellishes her "Trojan" features; she is
Berecyntian Cybele, mother of
Jupiter himself, and protector of the
Trojan prince
Aeneas in his flight from the destruction of Troy. She gives the Trojans her sacred tree for shipbuilding, and begs Jupiter to make the ships indestructible. These ships become the means of escape for Aeneas and his men, guided toward Italy and a destiny as ancestors of the Roman people by
Venus Genetrix. Once arrived in Italy, these ships have served their purpose and are transformed into sea nymphs. Stories of Magna Mater's arrival were used to promote the fame of its principals, and thus their descendants.
Claudia Quinta's role as Rome's
castissima femina (purest or most virtuous woman) became "increasingly glorified and fantastic"; she was shown in the costume of a
Vestal Virgin, and Augustan ideology represented her as the ideal of virtuous Roman womanhood. The emperor
Claudius claimed her among his ancestors. Claudius promoted Attis to the Roman pantheon and placed his cult under the supervision of the
quindecimviri (one of Rome's priestly colleges).
Festivals and cults Megalesia in April (354 AD), perhaps either a Gallus or a theatrical performer for the Megalesia The
Megalesia festival to Magna Mater commenced on April 4, the anniversary of her arrival in Rome. The festival structure is unclear, but it included
ludi scaenici (plays and other entertainments based on religious themes), probably performed on the deeply stepped approach to her temple; some of the plays were commissioned from well-known playwrights. On April 10, her image was taken in public procession to the
Circus Maximus, and
chariot races were held there in her honour; a statue of Magna Mater was permanently sited on the racetrack's dividing barrier, showing the goddess seated on a lion's back. Roman bystanders seem to have perceived Megalesia as either characteristically "
Greek"; or Phrygian. At the cusp of Rome's transition to Empire, the Greek
Dionysius of Halicarnassus describes this procession as wild Phrygian "mummery" and "fabulous clap-trap", in contrast to the Megalesian sacrifices and games, carried out in what he admires as a dignified "traditional Roman" manner; Dionysius also applauds the wisdom of Roman religious law, which forbids the participation of any Roman citizen in the procession, and in the goddess's
mysteries; Slaves are forbidden to witness any of this. In the late republican era,
Lucretius vividly describes the procession's armed "war dancers" in their three-plumed helmets, clashing their shields together, bronze on bronze, "delighted by blood"; yellow-robed, long-haired, perfumed Galli waving their knives, wild music of thrumming tympanons and shrill flutes. Along the route, rose petals are scattered, and clouds of incense arise. The goddess's sculpted image wears the Mural Crown and is seated within a sculpted, lion-drawn chariot, carried high on a bier. The Roman display of Cybele's Megalesia procession as an exotic, privileged public pageant offers signal contrast to what is known of the private, socially inclusive Phrygian-Greek mysteries on which it was based.
'Holy week' in March The
Principate brought the development of an extended festival or "holy week" for Cybele and Attis in March (Latin
Martius), from the
Ides to nearly the end of the month. Citizens and freedmen were allowed limited forms of participation in rites pertaining to Attis, through their membership of two
colleges, each dedicated to a specific task; the
Cannophores ("reed bearers") and the
Dendrophores ("tree bearers"). • March 15 (Ides):
Canna intrat ("The Reed enters"), marking the birth of Attis and his exposure in the reeds along the Phrygian river
Sangarius, where he was discovered—depending on the version—by either shepherds or Cybele herself. The reed was gathered and carried by the
cannophores. • March 22:
Arbor intrat ("The Tree enters"), commemorating the death of Attis under a pine tree. The
dendrophores ("tree bearers") cut down a tree, suspended from it an image of Attis, and carried it to the temple with lamentations. The day was formalized as part of the official Roman calendar under Claudius. A three-day period of mourning followed. (seated right, with
Phrygian cap and
shepherd's crook) in a chariot drawn by four lions, surrounded by dancing Corybantes (detail from the
Parabiago plate; embossed silver, –400 AD, found in
Milan, now at the
Archaeological Museum of Milan) • March 23: on the
Tubilustrium, an archaic holiday to
Mars, the tree was laid to rest at the temple of the Magna Mater, with the traditional beating of the shields by Mars' priests the
Salii and the lustration of the trumpets perhaps assimilated to the noisy music of the Corybantes. • March 24:
Sanguem or
Dies Sanguinis ("Day of Blood"), a frenzy of mourning when the devotees whipped themselves to sprinkle the altars and effigy of Attis with their own blood; some performed the self-castrations of the Galli. The "sacred night" followed, with Attis placed in his ritual tomb. • March 25 (
vernal equinox on the Roman calendar):
Hilaria ("Rejoicing"), when Attis was reborn. Some early Christian sources associate this day with the
resurrection of Jesus.
Damascius attributed a "liberation from Hades" to the Hilaria. • March 26:
Requietio ("Day of Rest"). • March 27:
Lavatio ("Washing"), noted by
Ovid and probably an innovation under Augustus, Literary references indicate that the
lavatio was "well established" by the
Flavian period; when Cybele's sacred stone was taken in procession from the Palatine temple to the
Porta Capena and down the
Appian Way to the stream called
Almo, a
tributary of the
Tiber. There the stone and sacred iron implements were bathed "in the Phrygian manner" by a red-robed priest. The
quindecimviri attended. The return trip was made by torchlight, with much rejoicing. The ceremony alluded to, but did not reenact, Cybele's original reception in the city, and seems not to have involved Attis. Scholars are divided as to whether the entire series was more or less put into place under Claudius, or whether the festival grew over time. The Phrygian character of the cult would have appealed to the Julio-Claudians as an expression of their claim to Trojan ancestry. It may be that Claudius established observances mourning the death of Attis, before he had acquired his full significance as a resurrected god of rebirth, expressed by rejoicing at the later
Canna intrat and by the Hilaria. The full sequence at any rate is thought to have been official in the time of
Antoninus Pius (reigned 138–161), but among extant
fasti appears only in the
Calendar of Philocalus (354 AD). Despite the archaeological evidence of early cult to Attis at Cybele's Palatine precinct, no surviving Roman literary or epigraphic source mentions him until
Catullus, whose poem 63 places him squarely within Magna Mater's mythology, as the hapless leader and prototype of her Galli.
Taurobolium and Criobolium (modern
Lyon, in France) commemorating a taurobolium for the Mother of the Gods under the title
Augusta , and his divine household, marking a taurobolium; the presence of an archigallus'' is noted Rome's strictures against castration and citizen participation in Magna Mater's cult limited both the number and kind of her initiates. From the 160s AD, citizens who sought initiation to her mysteries could offer either of two forms of bloody animal sacrifice – and sometimes both – as lawful substitutes for self-castration. The
Taurobolium sacrificed a bull, the most potent and costly
victim in Roman religion; the
Criobolium used a lesser victim, usually a ram. A late, melodramatic and antagonistic account by the Christian apologist
Prudentius has a priest stand in a pit beneath a slatted wooden floor; his assistants or junior priests dispatch a bull, using a sacred spear. The priest emerges from the pit, drenched with the bull's blood, to the applause of the gathered spectators. This description of a Taurobolium as blood-bath is, if accurate, an exception to usual Roman sacrificial practice; it may have been no more than a bull sacrifice in which the blood was carefully collected and offered to the deity, along with its organs of generation, the testicles. The Taurobolium and Criobolium are not tied to any particular date or festival, but probably draw on the same theological principles as the life, death, and rebirth cycle of the March "holy week". The celebrant personally and symbolically took the place of Attis, and like him was cleansed, renewed or, in emerging from the pit or tomb, "reborn". These regenerative effects were thought to fade over time, but they could be renewed by further sacrifice. Some dedications transfer the regenerative power of the sacrifice to non-participants, including
emperors, the Imperial family and the Roman state; some mark a
dies natalis (birthday or anniversary) for the participant or recipient. Dedicants and participants could be male or female. The sheer expense of the Taurobolium ensured that its initiates were from Rome's highest class, and even the lesser offering of a Criobolium would have been beyond the means of the poor. Among the Roman masses, there is evidence of private devotion to Attis, but virtually none for initiations to Magna Mater's cult. In the religious revivalism of the later Imperial era, Magna Mater's notable initiates included the deeply religious, wealthy, and erudite
praetorian prefect Praetextatus; the
quindecimvir Volusianus, who was twice consul; and possibly the
Emperor Julian. Taurobolium dedications to Magna Mater tend to be more common in the Empire's western provinces than elsewhere, attested by inscriptions in (among others) Rome and
Ostia in Italy,
Lugdunum in Gaul, and
Carthage in Africa. == Priesthoods ==