Peasants Traditional categories inherited from the Roman and
Merovingian period (distinctions between free and unfree peasants, between tenants and peasants who owned their own land, etc.) underwent significant changes up to the 11th century. The traditional rights of "free" peasants—such as service in royal armies (they had been able to serve in the royal armies as late as Charlemagne's reign) and participation in public assemblies and law courts—were lost through the 9th to the 10th centuries, and they were increasingly made dependents of nobles, churches and large landholders. From the mid-8th century to the 11th century, there was a steady increase of aristocratic and monastic control of the land, at the expense of landowning peasants. At the same time, the traditional notion of "unfree" dependents and the distinction between "unfree" and "free" tenants was eroded as the
concept of serfdom came to dominate. From the mid-8th century on, particularly in the north, the relationship between peasants and the land became increasingly characterized by the extension of the "bipartite estate" system (
manorialism), in which peasants (who were bound to the land) held tenant holdings from a lord or monastery (for which they paid rent), but were also required to work the lord's own "
demesne"; in the north, some of these estates could be quite substantial. This system remained a standard part of lord-tenant relations into the 12th century. The economic and demographic crises of the 14th–15th centuries (
agricultural expansion had lost many of the gains made in the 12th and 13th centuries) reversed this trend: landlords offered serfs their freedom in exchange for working abandoned lands, ecclesiastical and royal authorities created new "free" cities (
villefranches) or granted freedom to existing cities, etc. By the end of the 15th century, serfdom was largely extinct; henceforth "free" peasants paid rents for their own lands, and the lord's demesne was worked by hired labor. This liberated the peasantry to a certain degree, but also made their lives more precarious in times of economic uncertainty.
Cities and towns Much of the Gallo-Roman urban network of cities survived (albeit much changed) into the Middle Ages as regional centers and capitals: certain cities had been chosen as centers of bishoprics by the church (for example,
Paris,
Reims,
Aix,
Tours,
Carcassonne and Narbonne,
Auch,
Albi,
Bourges,
Lyon, etc.), others as seats of local (county, duchy) administrative power (such as
Angers,
Blois,
Poitiers,
Toulouse). In many cases (such as with
Poitiers) cities were seats of both episcopal and administrative power. From the 10th to the 11th centuries, the urban development of the country expanded (particularly on the northern coasts): new ports appeared, and dukes and counts encouraged and created new towns. In other areas, urban growth was slower and centered on the monastic houses. In many regions,
market towns (
burgs) with limited privileges were established by local lords. In the late 11th century, "
communes", governing assemblies, began to develop in towns. The seigneurial reaction to expanding urbanism and enfranchisement was mixed; some lords fought against the changes, but some lords gained financial and political advantages from the communal movement and growing trade. The 13th to 14th centuries were a period of significant urbanization. Paris was the largest city in the realm, and indeed one of the largest cities in Europe. The second-largest city was
Rouen; the other major cities (with populations over 10,000) were
Orléans,
Tours,
Bordeaux,
Lyon,
Dijon, and
Reims. In addition to these, there also existed zones with an extended urban network of medium to small cities, as in the south and the Mediterranean coast (from
Toulouse to
Marseille, including
Narbonne and
Montpellier) and in the north (
Beauvais,
Laon,
Amiens,
Arras,
Bruges, etc.). Market towns increased in size, and many were able to gain privileges and franchises including transformation into free cities (
villes franches); rural populations from the countrysides moved to the cities and burgs. This was also a period of urban building: the extension of walls around the entirety of the urban space, the vast construction of
Gothic cathedrals (starting in the 12th century), urban fortresses, castles (such as Philip II Augustus'
Louvre around 1200) and bridges.
Aristocracy, nobles, knights In the Carolingian period, the "aristocracy" (
nobilis in the Latin documents) was not a legally defined category. With traditions going back to the Romans; a "noble" possessed significant land holdings, had access to the king and royal court, could receive
honores and
benefices for service (such as being named
count or
duke). Their wealth and power was also evident in their lifestyle and purchase of luxury goods, and in their maintenance of an armed entourage of
fideles (men who had sworn oaths to serve them). From the late 9th to the late 10th century, the nature of the noble class changed significantly. The aristocracy increasingly focused on establishing strong regional bases of landholdings, on taking hereditary control of the counties and duchies, and eventually on erecting these into veritable independent principalities and privatizing various privileges and rights of the state. (By 1025, the area north of the Loire was dominated by six or seven of these virtually independent states.) After 1000, these counties in turn began to break down into smaller lordships, as smaller lords wrest control of local lands in the so-called "feudal revolution" and seized control over many elements of comital powers. Secondly, from the 9th century on, military ability was increasingly seen as conferring special status, and professional soldiers or
milites, generally in the entourage of sworn lords, began to establish themselves in the ranks of the aristocracy (acquiring local lands, building private castles, seizing elements of justice), thereby transforming into the military noble class historians refer to as "
knights".
Vassalage and feudal land The Merovingians and Carolingians maintained relations of power with their aristocracy through the use of clientele systems and the granting of
honores and benefices, including land, a practice which grew out of Late Antiquity. This practice would develop into the system of vassalage and feudalism in the Middle Ages. Originally, vassalage did not imply the giving or receiving of landholdings (which were granted only as a reward for loyalty), but by the eighth century the giving of a landholding was becoming standard. The granting of a landholding to a vassal did not relinquish the lord's property rights, but only the use of the lands and their income; the granting lord retained ultimate ownership of the fee and could, technically, recover the lands in case of disloyalty or death. By the middle of the 10th century, feudal land grants (fee, fiefs) had largely become hereditary. The eldest son of a deceased vassal would inherit, but first he had to do homage and fealty to the lord and pay a "
relief" for the land (a monetary recognition of the lord's continuing proprietary rights over the property). By the 11th century, the bonds of vassalage and the granting of fiefs had spread throughout much of French society, but it was in no ways universal in France: in the south, feudal grants of land or of rights were unknown. In its origin, the feudal grant had been seen in terms of a personal bond between lord and vassal, but with time and the transformation of fiefs into hereditary holdings, the nature of the system came to be seen as a form of "politics of land" (an expression used by historian
Marc Bloch). The 11th century in France saw what has been called by historians a "feudal revolution" or "mutation" and a "fragmentation of powers" (Bloch) that was unlike the development of feudalism in England or Italy or Germany in the same period or later: counties and duchies began to break down into smaller holdings as
castellans and lesser seigneurs took control of local lands, and (as comital families had done before them) lesser lords usurped/privatized a wide range of prerogatives and rights of the state, most importantly the highly profitable rights of justice, but also travel dues, market dues, fees for using woodlands, obligations to use the lord's mill, etc. (what
Georges Duby calls collectively the "
seigneurie banale"). Power in this period became more personal and it would take centuries for the state to fully reimpose its control over local justice and fiscal administration (by the 15th century, much of the seigneur's legal purview had been given to the
bailliages, leaving them only affairs concerning seigneurial dues and duties, and small affairs of local justice). This "fragmentation of powers" was not however systematic throughout France, and in certain counties (such as Flanders, Normandy, Anjou, Toulouse), counts were able to maintain control of their lands into the 12th century or later. Thus, in some regions (like Normandy and Flanders), the vassal/feudal system was an effective tool for ducal and comital control, linking vassals to their lords; but in other regions, the system led to significant confusion, all the more so as vassals could and frequently did pledge themselves to two or more lords. In response to this, the idea of a "
liege lord" was developed (where the obligations to one lord are regarded as superior) in the 12th century.
Peerage Medieval French kings conferred the dignity of peerage upon certain of his preëminent vassals, both clerical and lay. Some historians consider
Louis VII to have created the French system of peers. Peerage was attached to a specific territorial jurisdiction, either an
episcopal see for episcopal peerages or a fief for secular. Peerages attached to fiefs were transmissible or inheritable with the fief, and these fiefs are often designated as
pairie-duché (for duchies) and
pairie-comté (for counties). By 1228 there were 12 peers: •
Archbishop of Reims, who had the distinction of anointing and crowning the king •
Bishop of Langres •
Bishop of Beauvais •
Bishop of Châlons •
Bishop of Noyon •
Duke of Normandy •
Duke of Burgundy •
Duke of Aquitaine, also called Duke of Guyenne •
Count of Champagne •
Bishop of Laon •
Count of Flanders •
Count of Toulouse These twelve peerages are known as the
ancient peerage or
pairie ancienne, and the number 12 is sometimes said to have been chosen to mirror the 12
paladins of Charlemagne in the
Chanson de geste (see below). Parallels may also be seen with mythical
Knights of the Round Table under
King Arthur. So popular was this notion that for a long time people thought peerage had originated in the reign of Charlemagne, who was considered the model king and shining example for knighthood and nobility. The dozen
pairs played a role in the royal
sacre or
consecration, during the liturgy of the
coronation of the king, attested to as early as 1179, symbolically upholding his crown, and each original peer had a specific role, often with an attribute. Since the peers were never twelve during the coronation in early periods, due to the fact that most lay peerages were forfeited to or merged in the crown, delegates were chosen by the king, mainly from the princes of the blood. In later periods peers also held up by poles a
baldaquin or
cloth of honour over the king during much of the ceremony. In 1204 the
Duchy of Normandy was absorbed by the French crown, and later in the 13th century two more of the lay peerages were absorbed by the crown (Toulouse 1271, Champagne 1284), so in 1297 three new peerages were created, the
County of Artois, the
Duchy of Anjou and the
Duchy of Brittany, to compensate for the three peerages that had disappeared. Thus, beginning in 1297 the practice started of creating new peerages by
letters patent, specifying the fief to which the peerage was attached, and the conditions under which the fief could be transmitted (e.g. only male heirs) for princes of the blood who held an apanage. By 1328 all apanagists would be peers. The number of lay peerages increased over time to 26 in 1400, 21 in 1505, and 24 in 1588.
Monarchy and regional powers France was a very decentralised state during the Middle Ages.
Lorraine and
Provence were states of the
Holy Roman Empire and not a part of France. North of the Loire, the king of France at times fought or allied with one of the great principalities of Normandy, Anjou, Blois-Champagne, Flanders and Burgundy. The
duke of Normandy was overlord of the
duke of Brittany. South of the Loire were the principalities of Aquitaine, Toulouse and Barcelona. Normandy became the strongest power in the north, while Barcelona became the strongest in the south. The rulers of both fiefs eventually became kings, the former by the conquest of England, and the latter by the succession to Aragon. French suzerainty over Barcelona was formally relinquished by King Louis IX in 1258. Initially,
West Francia kings were elected by the secular and ecclesiastic magnates, but the regular coronation of the eldest son of the reigning king during his father's lifetime established the principle of male primogeniture, later popularized as the
Salic law. The authority of the king was more religious than administrative. The 11th century marked the apogee of princely power at the expense of the king when states like Normandy, Flanders or Languedoc enjoyed a local authority comparable to kingdoms in all but name. The
Capetians, as they were descended from the
Robertians, were formerly powerful princes who had successfully unseated the weak
Carolingian kings. The Carolingian kings had nothing more than a royal title when the Capetian kings added their principality to that title. The Capetians, in a way, held a dual status of king and prince; as king they held the
Crown of Charlemagne, and as
Count of Paris they held their personal fiefdom, best known as
Île-de-France. Almost all medieval texts from the southern lands define "France" and "French" as the area north of the Loire, even when the southerners acknowledged that they were subjects of the king of France. Gascons and Celtic Bretons in particular perceived French as foreign, and other French also regarded them as foreign. Some of the king's vassals grew sufficiently powerful that they became some of the strongest rulers of western Europe. The Normans, the Plantagenets, the
Lusignans, the
Hautevilles, the
Ramnulfids, and the
House of Toulouse successfully carved lands outside France for themselves. The most important of these conquests for French history was the Norman Conquest by
William the Conqueror, following the
Battle of Hastings and immortalised in the
Bayeux Tapestry, because it linked England to France through Normandy. Although the Normans became both vassals of the French kings and their equals as kings of England, their zone of political activity remained centered in France. Much of the French aristocracy was involved in the
crusades, and French knights founded and ruled the
Crusader states. An example of the legacy left in the Middle East by these nobles is the
Krak des Chevaliers' enlargement by the counts of
Tripoli and
Toulouse. The history of the monarchy is how it overcame the powerful barons over ensuing centuries and established absolute sovereignty over France in the 16th century. A number of factors contributed to the rise of the French monarchy. The dynasty established by Hugh Capet continued uninterrupted until 1328, and the laws of
primogeniture ensured orderly successions of power. The successors of Capet came to be recognised as members of an illustrious and ancient royal house and therefore socially superior to their politically and economically superior rivals. The Capetians had the support of the Church, which favoured a strong central government in France. This alliance with the Church was one of the great enduring legacies of the Capetians. The
First Crusade was composed almost entirely of Frankish princes. As time went on the power of the king was expanded by conquests, seizures and successful feudal political battles. In addition to the King's Council, the consultative governing of the country also depended on other intermittent and permanent institutions, such as the
States General, the
Parlements and the Provincial Estates. The Parliament of Paris – as indeed all of the sovereign courts of the realm – was itself born out of the King's Council: originally a consultative body of the
Curia Regis, later (in the thirteenth century) endowed with judicial functions, the Parliament was separated from the King's Council in 1254. The King's Court functioned as an advisory body under the early
Capetian kings. It was composed of a number of the king's trusted advisers but only a few traveled with the king at any time. The composition of the King's Council changed constantly over the centuries and according to the needs and desires of the king. Medieval councils frequently excluded: • the queen (both as queen consort or as queen mother) – the influence of the queen lost direct political control as early as the 13th century, except in periods of regency; the queen thus only exceptionally attended the Council. • close relations to the king, including younger sons, grandsons and princes of the royal bloodline ("prince du sang") from junior branches of the family – these individuals were often suspected of political ambition and of plotting. On the other hand, medieval councils generally included: • the crown prince (the "dauphin") – if he was of age to attend the council • the "grands" – the most powerful members of the church and of the nobility. The feudal aristocracy would maintain great control over the king's council up until the 14th and 15th centuries. The most important positions in the court were those of the
Great Officers of the Crown of France, headed by the
connétable (chief military officer of the realm; established by King Philip I in 1060) and the
chancellor. Other positions included the
Grand Chambrier who managed the Royal Treasury along with the
Grand Bouteiller (Grand Butler), before being supplanted of these functions by the Chamber of Accounts (
Chambre des comptes, created by King
Philip IV) and the position of
Surintendant des finances (created in 1311). Certain kings were unable to reduce the importance of the feudal aristocracy (
Louis X,
Philip VI,
John II,
Charles VI), while others were more successful (
Charles V,
Louis XI). Over the centuries, the number of
jurists (or "légistes"), generally educated by the
université de Paris, steadily increased as the technical aspects of the matters studied in the council mandated specialized counsellers. Coming from the lesser nobility or the bourgeoisie, these jurists (whose positions sometimes gave them or their heirs nobility, as the so-called "
noblesse de robe" or chancellor nobles) helped in preparing and putting into legal form the king's decisions, and they formed the early elements of a true civil service and royal administration which would – because of their permanence – provide a sense of stability and continuity to the royal council, despite its many reorganizations. In their attempts at greater efficiency, the kings tried to reduce the number of counsellors or to convoke "reduced councils".
Charles V had a council of 12 members. The Council had only a consultational role: the final decision was always the king's. Although jurists frequented praised (especially later in the 16th century) the advantages of consultative government (with the agreement of his counsellors, the king could more easily impose the most severe of his decisions, or he could have his most unpopular decisions blamed on his counsellors), mainstream legal opinion never held that the king was bound by the decisions of his council; the opposite was however put forward by the
States General of 1355–1358. The Council's purview concerned all matters pertaining to government and royal administration, both in times of war and of peace. In his council, the king received ambassadors, signed treaties, appointed administrators and gave them instructions (called, from the 12th century on,
mandements), elaborated on the laws of the realm (called
ordonnances). The council also served as a supreme court and rendered royal justice on those matters that the king reserved for himself (so-called "justice retenue") or decided to discuss personally. Council meetings, initially irregular, took on a regular schedule which became daily from the middle of the 15th century.
Royal finances The king was expected to survive on the revenues of the "
domaine royal", or lands that belonged to him directly. In times of need, the
taille, an "exceptional" tax could be imposed and collected; this resource was increasingly required during the protracted wars of the 14th–15th centuries and the taille became permanent in 1439, when the right to collect taxes in support of a standing army was granted to
Charles VII of France during the
Hundred Years' War. To oversee the Kingdom's revenues and expenditure, the French King first relied solely on the
Curia Regis. However, by the mid-12th century, the Crown entrusted its finances to the
Knights Templar, who maintained a banking establishment in Paris. The royal Treasury was henceforth organized like a bank and salaries and revenues were transferred between accounts. Royal accounting officers in the field, who sent revenues to the Temple, were audited by the King's Court, which had special clerks assigned to work at the Temple. These financial specialists came to be called the
Curia in Compotis and sat in special sessions of the King's Court for dealing with financial business. From 1297, accounts were audited twice yearly after Midsummer Day (24 June) and Christmas. In time, what was once a simple Exchequer of Receipts developed into a central auditing agency, branched off, and eventually specialized into a full-time court. In 1256,
Saint Louis issued a decree ordering all mayors, burghesses, and town councilmen to appear before the King's sovereign auditors of the Exchequer (French
gens des comptes) in
Paris to render their final accounts. The King's Court's general secretariat had members who specialized in finance and accountancy and could receive accounts. A number of
maîtres lais were commissioned to sit as the King's
Exchequer (
comptes du Roi). In or around 1303, the Paris Court of Accounts was established in the
Palais de la Cité. Its auditors were responsible for overseeing revenue from Crown estates and checking public spending. It audited the royal household, inspectors, royal commissioners, provosts, baillifs, and seneschals. In 1307, the
Philip IV definitively removed royal funds from the Temple and placed them in the fortress of the Louvre. Thereafter, the financial specialists received accounts for audit in a room of the royal palace that became known as the
Camera compotorum or
Chambre des comptes, and they began to be collectively identified under the same name, although still only a subcommission of the King's Court, consisting of about sixteen people. The Vivier-en-Brie Ordinance of 1320, issued by
Philip V, required the
Chambre to audit accounts, judge cases arising from accountability, and maintain registers of financial documents; it also laid out the basic composition of financial courts: three (later four) cleric masters of accounts (
maîtres-clercs) to act as chief auditors and three
maîtres-lais familiers du Roi empowered to hear and adjudge ("
oyer and terminer") audit accounts. They were assisted by eleven clerks (
petis clercs, later
clercs des comptes) who acted as auditors of the prests. This complement grew by 50 percent in the next two decades but was reduced to seven masters and twelve clerks in 1346. The office of
président was created by the Ordinance of 1381, and a second lay Chief Baron was appointed in 1400. Clerks of court were eventually added to the court's composition. Examiners (
correcteurs) were created to assist the
maitres. Other court officers (
conseillers) appointed by the King were created to act alongside the
maîtres ordinaires. Lastly, the Ordinance of 26 February 1464 named the Court of Accounts as the "sovereign, primary, supreme, and sole court of last resort in all things financial". While gaining in stability in the later 14th century, the court lost its central role in royal finances. First, currency was moved to a separate body (
Chambre des monnaies), then the increasingly regular "extraordinary" taxes (
aide,
tallage,
gabelle) became the responsibility of the
généraux of the
Cour des aides (created in 1390). The Crown's domainal revenues, still retained by the Court of Accounts, fell in importance and value. By 1400, the Court's role had been much reduced. However, with the gradual enlargement of the realm through conquest, the need for the court remained secure.
Parlements The
Parliament of Paris, born out of the king's council in 1307, and sitting inside the medieval
royal palace on the
Île de la Cité, still the site of the
Paris Hall of Justice. The jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris covered the entire kingdom as it was in the fourteenth century, but did not automatically advance in step with the enlarging personal dominions of the kings. In 1443, following the turmoil of the
Hundred Years' War, King
Charles VII of France granted
Languedoc its own
parlement by establishing the
Parlement of
Toulouse, the first
parlement outside of Paris; its jurisdiction extended over most of southern France. Several other
parlements were created in various provinces of France in the Middle Ages:
Dauphiné (
Grenoble 1453),
Guyenne and
Gascony (
Bordeaux 1462),
Burgundy (
Dijon 1477),
Normandy (
Rouen 1499/1515). All of them were administrative capitals of regions with strong historical traditions of independence before they were incorporated into France.
Estates General In 1302, expanding French royal power led to a general assembly consisting of the chief lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, and the representatives of the principal privileged towns, which were like distinct lordships. Certain precedents paved the way for this institution: representatives of principal towns had several times been convoked by the king, and under
Philip III there had been assemblies of nobles and ecclesiastics in which the two
orders deliberated separately. It was the dispute between
Philip the Fair and
Pope Boniface VIII which led to the States-General of 1302; the king of France desired that, in addition to the
Great Officers of the Crown of France, he receive the counsel from the three estates in this serious crisis. The letters summoning the assembly of 1302 are published by M. Georges Picot in his collection of ''Documents inédits pour servir à l'histoire de France''. During the same reign they were subsequently assembled several times to give him aid by granting
subsidies. Over time subsidies came to be the most frequent motive for their convocation. The Estates-General included representatives of the First Estate (
clergy), Second Estate (the
nobility), and Third Estate (
commoners: all others), and monarchs always summoned them either to grant subsidies or to advise
the Crown, to give aid and counsel. In their primitive form in the 14th and the first half of the 15th centuries, the Estates-General had only a limited elective element. The lay lords and the ecclesiastical lords (
bishops and other high clergy) who made up the Estates-General were not elected by their peers, but directly chosen and summoned by the king. In the order of the clergy, however, since certain ecclesiastical bodies, e.g.
abbeys and
chapters of
cathedrals, were also summoned to the assembly, and as these bodies, being persons in the moral but not in the physical sense, could not appear in person, their representative had to be chosen by the
monks of the
convent or the
canons of the chapter. It was only the representation of the Third Estate which was furnished by election. Originally, moreover, the latter was not called upon as a whole to seek representation in the estates. It was only the
bonnes villes, the privileged towns, which were called upon. They were represented by elected
procureurs, who were frequently the municipal officials of the town, but deputies were often elected for the purpose. The country districts, the
plat pays, were not represented. Even within the
bonnes villes, the franchise was quite narrow.
Prévôts, baillages The
prévôts were the first-level judges created by the Capetian monarchy around the 11th century who administered the scattered parts of the royal domain. Provosts replaced
viscounts wherever a viscounty had not been made a fief, and it is likely that the provost position imitated and was styled after the corresponding ecclesiastical
provost of
cathedral chapters. Provosts were entrusted with and carried out local royal power, including the collection of the Crown's domainal revenues and all taxes and duties owed the King within a provostship's jurisdiction. They were also responsible for military defense such as raising local contingents for royal armies. The provosts also administered justice though with limited jurisdiction. In the 11th century, the provosts tended increasingly to make their positions hereditary and thus became more difficult to control. One of the King's great officers, the Great Seneschal, became their supervisor. In the 12th century, the office of provost was put up for bidding, and thereafter provosts were farmers of revenues. The provost thus received the speculative right to collect the King's seignorial revenues within his provostship. This remained his primary role. To monitor the performance and curtail abuses of the prévôts or their equivalent (in
Normandy a
vicomte, in parts of northern France a
châtelain, in the south a
viguier or a
bayle), Philip II Augustus, an able and ingenious administrator who founded many of the central institutions on which the French monarchy's system of power would be based, established itinerant justices known as
baillis ("bailiff") based on medieval fiscal and tax divisions which had been used by earlier sovereign princes (such as the Duke of Normandy). The
bailli was thus the king's administrative representative in northern France responsible for the application of justice and control of the administration and local finances in his
baillage (in the south of France, the equivalent post was "sénéchal, sénéchaussé"). Over time, the role of the baillages would be greatly extended as extensions of royal power, administration and justice. With the office of Great Seneschal vacant after 1191, the bailies became stationary and established themselves as powerful officials superior to provosts. A bailie's district included about half a dozen provostships. When appeals were instituted by the Crown, appeal of provost judgments, formerly impossible, now lay with the bailie. Moreover, in the 14th century, provosts no longer were in charge of collecting domainal revenues, except in farmed provostships, having instead yielded this responsibility to royal receivers (receveurs royaux). Raising local army contingents (ban and arrière-ban) also passed to bailies. Provosts therefore retained the sole function of inferior judges over vassals with original jurisdiction concurrent with bailies over claims against nobles and actions reserved for royal courts (
cas royaux). This followed a precedent established in the chief feudal courts in the 13th and 14th centuries in which summary provostship suits were distinguished from solemn bailliary sessions. ==Politics==