Palace revolution who succeeded François to the throne, a long time friend and ally of Montmorency François I of France died around 14:00 on 31 March 1547. While those in the room were still mourning, the dauphin Brittany, now styled King Henri II dashed off letters summoning Diane and Montmorency to come to court. Montmorency's recall was therefore rapid, and he was invited to join Henri at Saint-Germain. The two engaged in a 2 hour conference on 1 April during which Montmorency and the king engaged in a complete reorganisation of the government. After the meeting Montmorency received the apartments of François' former mistress the duchesse d'Étampes at Saint-Germain. Holding court here, he received the flocks of condolences that poured in for the recently departed king. Montmorency assumed the position that had been jointly occupied by
Admiral Annebault and
Cardinal de Tournon in leading the administration of François in the king's final years. Both men were dispossessed of their charges that evening. Annebault was allowed to remain Admiral, however he would no longer be paid, in much the same way as Montmorency had maintained his charge of Constable without pay during his disgrace. He was further obliged to surrender his Marshal office to Saint-André. Montmorency became commander of the royal armies and the lynchpin of the royal council almost immediately. His proximity with the new king was such that he even shared the king's bed on occasion during 1547, a practice which shocked some contemporaries. The ambassador of Ferrara remarked on the matter with revulsion. His establishment as head of the administration was represented by his resumption of the offices of Constable and
Grand Maître which he had enjoyed in former years. The duchesse d'Étampes, enemy of both Montmorency and Henri was banished from court. Montmorency also received the arrears of pay he would have been owed if not for his disgrace. With great pride Montmorency remarked on a different incident of intimacy with the king where Henri had entered his chambers while he was receiving a footbath. The Constable bragged about the event to Saint-André, who in turn told the duc d'Aumale. According to the ambassador of Ferrara, Aumale was mortified, keenly aware the king would never make such shows of intimacy with him. One of the king's favourite horses,
Compère was a gift from Montmorency. Montmorency was restored to the governate of Languedoc, and his brother La Rochepot was restored to his office as governor of the
Île de France and Paris. His eldest nephew Cardinal de Châtillon received rich new benefices among them Beauvais. Montmorency received the charge for the second time on 12 April 1547. Keen to reward his favourite, the return of his governate came with back-pay for the years in which he had been denied his possession of Languedoc, totalling 100,000
écus in addition to the annual income of 25,000
écus he would receive going forward. In sum Henri distributed 800,000
livres among his three great favourites (Montmorency, Aumale, and Saint-André) upon his ascent, which was raised by a tax of two tenths upon the clergy. On 12 April the king received Montmorency's oath in his capacity as Constable of France, with the king declaring that all civil and military officials were to be subordinated to him. He also restored the exercise of his old lesser charges, that of captain of the forts of Bastille, Vincennes, Saint-Malo and Nantes. Until at least 1552, all ambassadors to France presented their credentials to Montmorency before they were received by the king. Back in favour, Montmorency advanced his nephews once more, with Coligny being elevated to the position of colonel-general of the French infantry within a month of Henri's accession. Over the following years of Henri's reign, Coligny would be made Admiral of France, governor of Picardy and governor of the Île de France. Through advancement of his nephews Montmorency secured his own power. At the centre of power once more, Montmorency was again able to be a distributor of royal favour to a network of patronage. As such he was soon approached by
the queen of Navarre who was seeking to re-enter royal favour. The two had a frosty relationship. This meant that when in 1548 the king became suspicious that the queen and her husband
the king of Navarre were intriguing with the Emperor, Henri turned to Montmorency, who had his agents intercept all mail addressed to the couple for several months. In 1556 suspicions would again arise at court as to the potentially treasonous actions of the new king of Navarre and his wife with the Emperor over Spanish Navarre. The king of Navarre wrote to Henri and Montmorency, hoping to recharacterize his dealings in a less dangerous light. The queen of Navarre wrote to Montmorency separately, urging him to maintain the good relations he enjoyed with Navarre.
Push for war Despite the centrality of his position in the new administration, Montmorency was unable to make the king forget the captivity he had experienced in Imperial hands in prior years. Henri was keen to exert himself against the Empire and therefore summoned the Holy Roman Emperor to appear at his coronation in his capacity as the comte de Flandre, formerly a vassal of the French crown. The Emperor replied that he would attend the coronation, at the head of an army of 50,000 men. Montmorency, who desired peace with the empire, was tasked with reinforcing the garrisons on the border. at his coronation Henri's coronation did not immediately follow his father's death, it no longer being seen as the ceremony by which royal power was conferred. Therefore, it was not until 25 July 1556 that it was undertaken. The next day, representatives of the four most ancient baronies of France went to receive the ampulla of sacred oil that would be used to anoint the king. The Montmorency who represented one of the four baronies were represented by
the Constable's eldest son as the Constable was required elsewhere. During the coronation, Henri awarded two collars of the
Ordre de Saint-Michel (Order of Saint-Michel), the highest order of French chivalry. One was granted to the Italian condotierri
Piero Strozzi, while the other was awarded to Montmorency's nephew Coligny. Montmorency also ensured that gentlemen were not left in a state of discontent with the crown where possible. To this end he assured such figures received a caress or embrace from the king, which he advised would appease their discontent. According to Brantôme, if such a system worked at this time, it broke down by the time of the Wars of Religion. On 26 June 1547 Henri created a new law applying to the frontier provinces of the east. The border was to be divided into three zones of control, each subordinated to a Marshal of France. The Marshal would have all the authority over troops in their region, depriving the governors of the provinces. Montmorency, as the authority above the Marshals would therefore have military authority over all eastern border provinces. The motivation for this new policy, though it was a dead letter on arrival, was to invest authority in Montmorency and the three Marshals (
Saint-André,
Bouillon and
Melfi) all of whom were favourites of the new king, at the expense of the Lorraine and Clèves family who were governors of those regions.
Coup de Jarnac and La Châtaignerie At the start of Henri's reign a celebrated duel exposed the factions that were to dominate the reign of the young king. La Châtaignerie and Jarnac were granted permission to conduct a judicial duel by the king. It was the first judicial duel that had been authorised in France since
the times of Louis IX. Diane and the Lorraine family acted as patrons to La Châtaignerie, while Montmorency took Jarnac (formerly a member of the duchesse d'Étampes' party during the reign of François) under his wing. Jarnac's second would be Claude de Boisy, a friend of Montmorency's. Crowds gathered for the duel, which featured hundreds dressed in satin. In a shock to many of the watchers, Jarnac was able to deliver a quick victory in the duel getting around his opponent and slicing him in the back. The king was stunned, and for a while did not respond to Jarnac's request to have his honour restored and opponent spared. Marguerite and Montmorency urged Henri to speak so that La Châtaignerie's life could be spared. Henri eventually spoke, but did not say the customary plaudit to the victor that he was a man of honour. La Châtaignerie humiliated by his defeat tore off the bandages provided to him and bled out. Montmorency was the main winner of the duel, seen as wise for his backing of Jarnac. Henri meanwhile vowed to never allow another judicial duel during his reign. Saint-André had suffered disgrace during the reign of François for his allegiance to Henri, however he was richly rewarded upon his patron's rise to power. He was made a Marshal and
premier gentilhomme de la chambre du roi (first gentleman of the king's chamber) which gave him access to the king at times when even Montmorency was precluded from being in his presence.
Valentinois' party who elevated the Lorraine brothers as a counterweight to Montmorency's control of the king The king's mistress
Diane de Poitiers, duchesse de Valentinois, seeking a counterbalance to the great influence over the king that Montmorency enjoyed, found it in the patronage of the Lorraine family, and in particular
the duc d'Aumale and
archbishop of Reims. She and the Lorraines had been in friendly conversation since at least 1546 when a marriage was arranged between
the marquis de Maine and her daughter
Louise de Brézé. The family achieved a major coup in 1548 when they secured a promise of marriage between the
four year old dauphin and their
six year old niece Mary Stuart. This marriage would come to pass on 24 April 1558. The alliance of the Lorraine family and Diane began to erode Montmorency's power, much to his consternation. In opposition to this, he frequently tried to contrive reasons for the Lorraine brothers to be absent from court. Ultimately, the Lorraine brothers would not attain the level of intimacy that Montmorency enjoyed with Henri. In the rivalry between Montmorency and the Lorraines during the reign of Henri, Saint-André maintained a flexible position between the two, ready to follow whichever advantaged him most in the particular circumstances. Saint-André would however have a rivalry with Montmorency's nephews for access to military command. In 1548 the Venetian ambassador reported that it was a matter of dispute at the court which of Diane and Montmorency, Henri loved more.
Royal council During the reign of François a
conseil des affaires (council of affairs), sometimes called the secret council had been established. It would meet with the king every morning and was composed of the leading royal favourites, Montmorency, Saint-André, the Lorraine brothers,
the elder Cardinal de Lorraine,
the king of Navarre,
the duc de Vendôme,
Marshal Bouillon and some administrative royal functionaries who did not participate in the discussions proper. Through this council, royal policy was decided upon. In the most sensitive discussions, only Montmorency, Saint-André and the Lorraine brothers would be invited. In the afternoon the
conseil privé (privy council) convened to consider matters of finance and administration. Legal matters that had been referred to the king could also be settled during the course of its sessions. It was a far larger council, and could meet without the presence of the king himself. , Chancellor of France, with whom Montmorency enjoyed a close relationship The two families, Lorraine and Montmorency dominated Henri's councils. Aside from the direct members of the families on the council, such as Montmorency's nephew
Odet de Coligny their respective 'creatures' filled the body. Montmorency and the Chancellor
François Olivier enjoyed a close relationship, unified by their antipathy for the Lorraine family. For example,
Jean de Morvillier the bishop of Orléans, and
Louis de Lausignan, the seigneur de Lanssac were both men of Montmorency's faction on the court. However affiliation was not binary between the families, and men such as
Jean de Monluc, the bishop of Valence maintained relationships with both families. While Montmorency enjoyed the most senior position on the royal council, the Cardinal de Lorraine held the second most senior position. The king for his part was not particularly interested in domestic politics and was content to balance the networks of his favourites in the administration while they ran things. On 1 April 1547 letters patent established a new royal secretariat, that of the ''secrétaire d'État
(secretary of state), which was grafted onto the former office of secrétaire des finances''. The letters patent were likely drawn up by Montmorency himself. Montmorency also enjoyed the benefit of having one of Henri's four ''secretaires d'État
, Jean du Thier, being an old client of his. Indeed Montmorency had gained for Thier the position of secrétaire du roi'' (secretary of the king) in 1536 and the secretary had served as his personal secretary since 1538. Du Thier was his own man however, and by his appointment in 1547 he was willing to work equally with the Cardinal de Lorraine and over the following decade would depart from Montmorency's service to be firmly associated with the duc de Guise. Three of the four initial secretaries established to the office in 1547 were the picks of Montmorency, and they generally leaned towards him, as they favoured a similarly peaceful international policy as opposed to the Lorraine war policy. The four secretaries did not however have the privilege of opening diplomatic dispatches addressed to the king, at least early in Henri's reign, before the grandees became occupied with war. Montmorency took responsibility for this personally from 1547, both due to his assiduous nature and his desire to maintain his centrality in the court. In 1552, the ''secrétaires d'État
were joined by a new office, that of messieurs des finances''. Both these roles were subordinate to the authority of Montmorency, who acted as something like a prime minister. The grandees of the court, and in particular Montmorency, frequently took advantage of the secretaries to provide either the postscript or closure to the correspondence he was dispatching on his own account. On occasion the secretaries would write the entire letter for Montmorency. who would be made Marshal of France in 1570 who would be made Marshal of France in 1562 In their later biographies,
Marshal Tavannes and
Marshal Vielleville would both characterise Henri as a passive presence during his own reign. For Tavannes, it was in fact the reign of Montmorency, Diane and the Lorraine brothers. Vielleville described the various grandees (adding Saint-André to Tavannes' list) as 'devouring the king like a lion'. Whether this distance from rule was a choice of the king is debatable, Montmorency was accused of keeping the king out of involvement in government to better allow for his total control. This included only showing him a portion of the correspondence the court received. It was also true that Henri's long running dispute with his father had meant that he had been kept out of the decision making processes of state for much of his adult life, and therefore he looked for guidance from a man with far more experience. It is possible even that Montmorency represented a surrogate father figure for a man so long estranged from his own. The Italian ambassador at one point remarked that the king trembled when Montmorency approached "as children do when they see their schoolmaster". A reflection of this balance can be seen in the awards of office made by the royal council. When such awards were signed off on by the king, the supporting grandee would be indicated as 'present'. Of the 109 awards made in spring 1553, 11% had the backing of the duc de Guise while 10% had the backing of Montmorency.
Italian expedition As early as April 1547, Henri planned to visit Italy. Montmorency liaised with
the prince de Melfi the governor of French Piedmont to increase the number of troops under his command, such that the visit could be safely conducted. Melfi therefore raised an additional 500 soldiers, a challenging expense as his finances were already overstretched rebuilding the fortifications of the region. In Autumn 1547, Montmorency was informed that the Emperor planned to invade Piedmont. This warning came at a time of increasingly troubling border incidents, which only magnified the need of the king to come to Piedmont. The marchese di Saluzzo (marquis of Saluzzo) refused Melfi's order to accept French garrisons in his castles and was subsequently arrested. To free himself from his imprisonment, he agreed in March 1548 to cede all his property to Montmorency. This was an attractive prospect to Montmorency, who through his wife could stake a claim to Montferrat and the town of Tende. With all these combined he could build himself an Italian principality, however he ultimately refused the donation. The marchese died and was succeeded by his brother, who complied with Melfi's garrison order. Montmorency organised the escort to accompany Henri into Piedmont,
the comte de Tende put the naval forces on alert in support of this. Henri had at first wanted to seize this moment to resume war in Italy but Montmorency strenuously opposed the king in this matter. His case was made for him when Venice announced that it would not enter an alliance with France, a crucial lynchpin of the militant factions policy. Henri nevertheless decided to go forward with his visit to Italy. In August Henri crossed through the pass de Susa and entered Italy, arriving in Turin on 13 August. The
duke of Ferrara came to pay his homage to the French king, and while there worked out the details of his daughter's marriage to the duc d'Aumale. The
duke of Savoy petitioned Henri to be restored to his lands but Henri refused to countenance abandoning French control of Piedmont.
Gabelle revolt A
revolt against the gabelle (salt tax) in 1548 disrupted the king's plans for advances in Italy. Tensions had been rising in the south-west of France since 1544, and exploded in this year with 50,000 rioting and taking up arms. At first, Henri was satisfied that the local authorities would be able to suppress it, but this confidence faded as more reports came in. Learning of what was transpiring in September 1548, he was convinced an exemplary punishment was required. From Piedmont, he, Montmorency and the secretary Laubespine planned how to respond. Montmorency argued the population had already revolted 5 years previously, and that to pacify the area they should remove the entirety of the population. This extreme plan was however rejected by the king. It was agreed that a pincer movement would be conducted against the rebellious region, with Montmorency marching up towards Bordeaux from Languedoc, while
the duc d'Aumale, (duc de Guise in 1550) would advance from Poitou. Montmorency who departed Piedmont with 1000 soldiers and 500 cavalry was to raise further troops of Languedoc, Béarn and the Basque country for his part of the pincer. Both men brought with them men of the other's party. Aumale had with him
the sieur de Burie, lieutenant-general of Guyenne who was a client of Montmorency's. Meanwhile Montmorency was accompanied by Aumale's brother
the marquis de Maine. The bourgeois of Bordeaux found themselves sympathetic to the cause of the peasant confederacy that dominated the surrounding countryside, known as the Pétault. The garrison and militia therefore were not charged with suppressing the Pétault and their allies. Moneins, the governor of Bordeaux was persuaded to negotiate with the rebels, however he was killed by a restless crowd on 21 August. This act of violence alienated the bourgeois of Bordeaux from the movement, and they repressed it in the city's confines. As Montmorency meanwhile approached, he was well informed of how the situation had calmed in the period during which he had been assembling his army; indeed he received a stream of representatives from the city who assured him all was well. By this time Henri had lost interest in the progress of the two armies in suppressing the revolt. Montmorency was little interested in the efforts of the bourgeois of Bordeaux to support him and he entered
Bordeaux in force in October. The people of Bordeaux had decorated the streets with draperies for his arrival. Montmorency took all the arms in the possession of the city over the following days, including the city's artillery pieces. Montmorency suppressed the revolt with savagery, having 150 of the ring leaders executed, while the city itself was subject to the looting of his soldiers. He suspended the
Parlement and installed magistrates from Provence, Normandy and Paris in the region. He instructed these parachuted magistrates to open an investigation into the city and its leaders. Meanwhile, on 26 October a funeral was commemorated for Tristan de Moneins. On 6 November 1548 the magistrates reached their conclusion, Bordeaux would lose its urban privileges, pay the cost of the campaign and an additional fine of 200,000
écus. The city hall was razed. With this sentence pronounced the executions began: men of many ranks were sentenced to death, from the
prévôt (provost) of Bordeaux who had 'failed to have his orders against the rebellion obeyed' to peasants and craftsmen. Various tortures were inflicted on the rebels. He dispatched several companies of soldiers to reduce Limoges, which was held by peasant insurgents. On 22 November 1548 he left Bordeaux, leaving in the subjugated city the force he had initially brought out of Piedmont and several companies of
gendarmes. He departed for Saint-Germain-en-Laye. The harshness meted out by Montmorency towards Bordeaux would be short-lived, tensions with England creating concern Bordeaux would attempt to defect to the country. Therefore after 6 months the suppression of the civic institutions of Bordeaux was reversed, and the fines rescinded. In a further concession to the impetus towards rebellion, the majority of the unpopular changes to the
gabelle would also be revoked in the coming years. The
gabelle revolt would be the only major popular revolt during Henri's reign. His behaviour during the
gabelle crisis contrasted with that of Aumale who suppressed the rebellion in
Saintonge with far more generosity. Durot posits that Aumale may have been making a conscience effort to distance himself from unpopular harshness, thereby allowing Montmorency to receive most of the backlash. Montmorency hoped by this exemplary savagery that the Holy Roman Emperor would find no lingering embers to fan in conjunction with an invasion of France. Aumale and Montmorency returned to court by November 1548 for Aumale's elaborate marriage with
Anne d'Este. No sooner were the celebrations for Aumale's wedding concluded, than Montmorency had celebrations for his nephew Andelot to conduct, having secured his nephew's marriage with the rich heiress
Claude de Rieux. The former's wedding was on 4 December, and the latter's on 9 December 1548, neither royal favourite willing to move the celebration to a different time to allow space for the other.
Boulogne campaign at the time of the 1550 siege Both Montmorency and the Lorraine family were in agreement as to the importance of recapturing Boulogne from the English, therefore offers of arbitration on the dispute were rejected by the court. Montmorency tasked Odet de Salve, the French ambassador to England with acquiring the plans of the defensive works the English had constructed around the city. Both Aumale and Montmorency proposed that French fortifications on the left bank of the river be reinforced. A new fort was thus built, with works completed in July 1548, it was named fort Châtillon and entrusted to Montmorency's nephew Coligny. It had the capacity to cannonade the English batteries. In 1549 the campaign finally came. Montmorency encamped at Montreuil in August for the thrust to recapture Boulogne, half his forces were staged there while the other half resided at Ardres. An Imperial herald visited the camp where Henri had joined him and warned the French king that while the Emperor would tolerate an attack against the 'new English conquest' of Boulogne he would not abide by an attack against the 'old English conquest' of
Calais. Henri almost flew into a rage at the representative but was calmed by Montmorency. The Empire and England were bound to protect one another if more than 2000 French soldiers approached Calais, therefore Henri sent an ambassador to the Imperial court to inform the Emperor that the English had violated the previous convention first by fortifying Boulogne among various other transgressions. This appeal impressed the Imperial court. The Constable tasked the
priore di Capua with using his naval squadrons to intercept any English relief efforts across the channel. He then struck out at Ambleteuse, a settlement to the north of Boulogne protected by four fortresses. With one of the forts put to siege on 23 August 1549 it would be quickly surprised and its garrison of several hundred massacred. The garrison of Ambleteuse were demoralised by this setback and sortied from the town to set fire to some barns, the royal army was thereby able to enter Ambleteuse. Support from the priore di Capua's naval squadron led to the reduction of the remaining parts of the town. The garrison proper was granted clemency, allowed to retreat to Calais. His forces then advanced to
Hardinghen but were increasingly frustrated by the wet weather. The royal army led by Montmorency, Aumale and Henri made attempts on Boulogne itself but after three weeks of siege and bombardment of the city without progress a blockade was found to be the only practical course. To this end, it was ordered that several ships be scuttled at the entrance to the port of Boulogne. The English were however willing to negotiate, as early as October 1549 talks began between
the earl of Lincoln, English lieutenant-general of Boulogne and Montmorency's nephew Coligny, who was to be the French lieutenant-general of Boulogne. Henri departed the army at this time, feeling his presence no longer necessary. In February 1550 formal peace talks were opened. Montmorency's brother La Rochepot led the delegation to England, and was accompanied by his nephew
Coligny. The delegation was authorised to pay up to 400,000
écus for the return of Boulogne to France. The negotiations bogged down as the English delegation proved reticent even with the large sum on offer to surrender the fort, however talks progressed due to the advocacy of Montmorency. Montmorency was able to convince
the duke of Northumberland, regent of the kingdom, to support the deal. In April a treaty was signed. The English agreed to evacuate Boulogne within 6 weeks on 6 March 1550. The English finally evacuated the city on 25 April without removing their food supplies or artillery much to the delight of La Rochepot and Coligny who had received the keys from the English. The king was impressed with the fortifications the English had installed in the city during their occupation upon his visit to the city on 15 May. The peace with England ushered in a new period of warm relations between the two kingdoms, incubated by Montmorency's kinsmen and friends who served as ambassadors. Indeed it was at Montmorency's Château de Châteaubriant that an English delegation was received for the awarding of the Order of the Garter to Henri. Until such time as the money was fully paid to the English, Montmorency's eldest son François was to stay in England as a hostage, alongside five other great lords. In celebration of the victory at Boulogne, Henri organised a triumph in the city of
Rouen. Montmorency and Guise (Aumale had succeeded his recently deceased father to the office) had pride of place in the procession, both of them proceeding the
princes du sang (princes of the blood) in the parade through the city. , who would succeed his father as duc in 1550 The death of the elder duc de Guise and ascent of his son to his titles was not without controversy. At the time of his death, Aumale was also seriously ill, and therefore accusations were cast towards Montmorency that he had poisoned the late duc and attempted to do likewise to Aumale. Montmorency was one of the nobles whom it was necessary to negotiate with for the acceptance of the
Ludovico di Gonzaga of the ruling family of Mantua into the French court. In a council meeting on 3 February 1565, Montmorency would be among the assembled grandees who assented to Ludovico's marriage to the heiress of the duché de Nevers, thereby making him a great French lord. Indeed the Nevers landed position was estimated to be worth around 2,000,000
livres, in comparison with Montmorency's landed interests which were worth around 3,000,000 and which had been built by his great proximity to the centre of power. His presence, alongside that of
Cardinal de Guise and
La Roche-sur-Yon was necessary to provide evidence that all the great families of the kingdom either assented or were not opposed to the arrangement. Montmorency would however present a force of opposition to the new duc when it came to him being made a
pair (peer) of the realm by the Paris
Parlement, attempting to block the transfer of the honour to either
Henriette de Clèves or her new husband. Montmorency had a history of disputes with the former ducs de Nevers over their respective precedence in the peerage, however in the matter of Gonzague (as he was now naturalised), he argued
peerage could not be inherited by or through a woman, and therefore the
pairs de Nivernais had died out with
Jacques de Clèves. The crown intervened in the dispute, deciding in favour of Gonzague for his elevation as
pair de France, but making no ruling on whether Nivernais or Montmorency was a more senior title in the French peerage. Nevers was therefore received by the
Parlement on 22 June 1566. At court, Montmorency extolled the virtues of the lieutenant-general of Burgundy, Tavannes, who in return wrote gratefully to Montmorency, asking to be considered even the most humble of the Constable's servants. Tavannes could not be counted among his reliable clients however, and when Tavannes sought intervention with the king in 1561, he sent identical letters to Montmorency, Guise, Tournon, Saint-André and others to be his representative at the court in the matter of his pension.
Royal entry Due to the busyness of his first few years, it would not be until 15 May 1549 that Henri made his 'entry' into Paris. In a grand procession of the great lords and ladies of the kingdom, Montmorency had an important role to play, carrying aloft the golden baton of his office of
Grand Maître. In a further grand procession that took place in the city on 16 June, Montmorency rode out in front of the king holding above him the Constable's sword, wearing a golden cloth and using gold reigns for the horse that he led. Henri proceeded behind him under a canopy held by the
échevins (aldermen) of Paris. Two days later, on 18 June when the queen would make her ceremonial entrance into the capital in an open litter, Montmorency rode alongside the litter which was surrounded on all four corners by cardinals. who Montmorency would set up with the king Scandal rocked the court in 1550, over the king's liaisons with
Lady Fleming which Montmorency had been facilitating by bringing the king to her chambers each night. Montmorency was taking advantage of a broken leg Diane had sustained during riding to try and detach him from his powerful mistress with a woman of his own choosing, thereby furthering his total control of the administration. Diane de Poitiers was furious, as were the Lorraine brothers, who argued Montmorency was dishonouring their niece Diane by his actions. She brought Henri back to where she was recuperating at the Château d'Anet. Diane accused Henri of betraying the Lorraine family, his wife, his son and herself. She then turned on Montmorency showering him in insults for advising the king to conduct the affair and stating that going forward she would not speak to him. Her anger at Montmorency would not last long, and soon she would be writing to him to enquire of the king's health as she had previously. Henri meekly tried to explain that the two were just having conversations but Diane noted that his affair would sabotage the marriage between the dauphin and
Marie Stuart as he would surely object to marry the "daughter of a whore". Henri conceded to the pressures of the anger and blamed Montmorency for the whole affair, refusing to speak with him for some time. Despite ceasing his liaisons with Fleming, during their time together the two would have a son,
Henri de Valois, who would later be made the duc d'Angoulême.
Duc de Montmorency In July 1551, Montmorency was elevated from a simple baron, to the distinction of
duché-pairie, (ducal peerage), catapulting him into the highest echelons of the French nobility. He was further assured that the title would not go extinct if there was only a daughter to succeed the duc, and would be inheritable through the female line. The justification for this extraordinary elevation was both on the grounds of his 'personal virtue' and the great lineage of his family which went back to the time of
Mathieu II de Montmorency who had served under
Philippe II Auguste in the 12th Century. The recent triumph at Boulogne and accord with England further recommended the move to the king. This 'unprecedented' elevation for a baron attracted some disapproval from those of more princely lineages.
War clouds whose dispute with the Pope would bring France back to war In Italy, war once again loomed as dispute arose between the Pope and the Farnese rulers of Parma. Henri's advisers were torn on how to proceed. The Lorraines advocated intervention, hoping for the conquest of Parma, Montmorency meanwhile favoured caution. Henri decided to engage in a proxy conflict, swearing to protect the house of Farnesse on 27 May 1551, to which end he undertook a subsidy of 12,000
écus and to provide 2,000 infantry under the command of
Piero Strozzi. The Pope was determined to prosecute the war, and declared
Parma a rebel.
the comte de Brissac was established as governor of French Piedmont in July 1551, and given a force of 15,000 men with which to support Parma. To finance the wars he undertook, Henri borrowed considerably from the bankers of Lyon and other places. He had inherited a royal debt of 6,800,000
livres, and had been able to reduce much of it with the royal reserves François had amassed. For future loans, the grandees Montmorency and Guise's property was used to guarantee repayment.
Metz campaign During this time of peace with the Holy Roman Empire, Montmorency had not been idle. Instead he continued the profitable French policy of seeking out whatever enemies of the Emperor he could find to provide them with covert support. At Montmorency's urgings, Henri bided his time for the perfect moment, which came when a group of Protestant Imperial princes appealed to Henri for support. A treaty was established at Chambord in January 1552 by which France would support the Imperial princes in their resistance to 'Papal-Spanish tyranny', and in return for providing 240,000
couronnes (crowns) up front and a further 60,000 monthly to fund the Protestant armies they would allow Henri to occupy the Imperial cities of
Cambrai,
Metz,
Toul and
Verdun, which he was to govern in the capacity of a vicar of the Holy Roman Empire. This occupation was theoretically meant to be temporary, a defence of the cities from the tyranny of the Emperor. Despite the lofty promises of Chambord, most of the Imperial princes would make their peace with the Emperor after only a few months of conflict. Montmorency was reticent about direct open warfare with the Empire, and urged Henri to seek compromise but more bellicose council prevailed against him. With war therefore resumed in 1552, Henri sought to make good on the deal he had struck. To this end a royal army was assembled in Champagne beginning in March. The king conducted a review of the troops alongside Montmorency, Guise and Saint-André in
Vitry in April, in total there were 15,000 French foot soldiers, 15,000 Landsknechts, 1300 men-at-arms, 3000 light cavalry and various other assorted forces. Though the king was with the army, he granted Montmorency formal command. Montmorency was tasked with securing the city of
Metz, while the king and duc de Guise would secure other parts of Lorraine. at the time of its siege in 1552 by the Imperial army The regent of the duché de Lorraine
Christine allowed their army to pass, lacking the means to provide any serious opposition. Montmorency first captured
Toul on 5 April 1552, the city being betrayed into his hands by a servant of
the former Cardinal de Lorraine, he left the city with a royal garrison. This accomplished he took Pont-à-Mousson, again without a shot being fired, before he made his approach to Metz. Outside Metz he faced his first resistance, being compelled to storm the abbey of Gorze which was held by the Imperials. Though Metz had no Imperial garrison he sent ahead Tavannes and
Bourdillon to the council to ask their permission to occupy the city, in aid of German liberties. The intimidated councillors assent on condition he only impose two bands of infantry on the city, to which Montmorency agreed. The bands were however far bigger than had been expected by the councillors, but it was too late to withdraw their consent. Arriving in the city centre, Montmorency had the centre and gates seized. Henri arrived at Metz on 17 April and was welcomed with a review of Montmorency's troops. Henri first desired to appoint
Vielleville as governor of Metz, however Vielleville argued that if they wished to be treated as liberators in Alsace, they should employ a light hand in Metz as an example. Montmorency baulked at this, arguing that the grandees of Strasbourg were no smarter than those of Metz, and that these cities would fall as easily as a 'knife through butter'. Therefore the king established a client of Montmorency's,
the seigneur de Gonnor as the governor of the city. Gonnor was replaced as governor of Metz by Vielleville (a client of Guise) after the siege of Metz later that year caused significant friction between Montmorency and the duc. enters Metz after Montmorency secures the city With Metz conquered, Montmorency moved across the Vosges, facing resistance at the small stronghold of Haguenau which he successfully reduced after deploying his artillery and forces. Montmorency entered the square in triumph, shortly followed by the king. By mid-May the royal army arrived at Wissembourg. Upon reaching Wissembourg the royal army was approached by
the count-palatine of Zweibrücken who stated that if this was truly a conflict about German liberties, they should advance no further. By this time, word had reached the army that there was to be an invasion into France from the Spanish Netherlands, the French distraction with this invasion was a relief to the German princes. Therefore the king ordered the army be split into three divisions, one under Guise, one under Montmorency and the final under
the duc de Vendôme. Montmorency oversaw the capture of Ivoy on 23 June 1552; during the siege Henri had ventured into the trenches and messed with several cannons, arousing Montmorency's fury. Though he intended to divide the loot of the place between his own company and that of his son, he was unable to control the troops who engaged in unrestrained looting. The army then proceeded onto Sedan. These armies marched north west and put Damvillers to siege, shortly thereafter the king disbanded the army on 26 July. Though the campaign was a considerable success for the French, it failed to yield any of the results that the 'allies' of the French, the German princes had hoped for. Montmorency's duplicity in the occupation of Metz was remembered bitterly. The
elector of Sachsen who had been one of those who invited the French to participate would not forgive them, and soon reconciled himself with the Emperor. Going forward the German princes would reject the claims of outsiders to their territories. The king by contrast was delighted with Montmorency, and rewarded him with the elevation of the seigneurie of Damville to a baronnie, he further awarded the vacated office of Admiral to Montmorency's nephew Coligny upon Admiral Annebault's death. Coligny therefore resigned the charge of colonel-general in favour of another of Montmorency's nephews Andelot. Despite the serious nature of the military campaign, the rivalry between Montmorency and the Lorraine family continued, and having arrived back at court Montmorency expended his energy to ensure that information about the diplomatic situation did not reach the duc de Guise who remained in the field. Guise's brother who had received his former title,
the duc d'Aumale informed Guise that he had been compelled to approach the king at a time when Montmorency was absent to keep his brother informed of international developments. The Emperor was greatly aggrieved by the French coup and desired to recapture those settlements that were lost. To this end he crossed the Rhine in the middle of September 1552. Montmorency sought to replicate his scorched earth strategies that he had employed in Provence, and therefore ordered the removal of all grain, the throwing of millstones into water and the removal of the irons from the mills. The Imperial army
invested Metz on 10 November 1552, bombarding the settlement from the east and south. In total 50,000 men would besiege Metz, led by the Emperor personally from 30 November. Montmorency prepared to lead a relief army, and assembled a force at Reims, penetrating into Lorraine with 38,000 men during October. To divert the French, the Imperials launched another force into Picardy that put Hesdin to siege, the king recognising the greatest strategic priority of Hesdin diverted 22,000 of the men in Champagne to march north to relieve the town. Montmorency advanced as far as Tilly before his progress failed, and he retreated back to Reims where he met the king. The two stayed there until the end of November, with Montmorency dispatching several of his sons to support Guise in the defence of Metz. Montmorency continued to ensure his policy of starving out the Imperials is adhered to, and upon hearing reports of the poor state of the Imperial camp is satisfied as to the effect of his policy. On 26 December 1552, the Emperor decided to abandon the siege, having lost too many of his men for too little impact on the walls of Metz. The Emperors' failed siege of Metz made the reputation of the duc de Guise, who led the city's successful defence with only a small force at his command of around 6,000 men. While Henri and Montmorency campaigned together, Catherine entrusted Montmorency with sending frequent correspondence back to her so she could be appraised of her husband Henri's health. She was not the only one who relied on Montmorency to impart information of the king's health, and Diane also corresponded with Montmorency to that effect. For her part, Catherine was entrusted with the regency government, Henri being out of the capital on campaign. After taking some initiative in early affairs during the regency, Montmorency urged her in future to refer the decisions she was to make to the king before proceeding with them. Catherine in turn requested of Montmorency that he always ensured her husband's safety. At around the time of Henri's expedition into Lorraine,
Leone Strozzi a
condotierri of the famous Strozzi family who had been at the French court fled the country to Malta. Strozzi had entered dispute with Montmorency after the Constable secured the office of captain-general of the galleys for Coligny. This departure came after Strozzi had executed a confident of the Constable's Gian Battista Casella. Fearing reprisals Strozzi had taken two galleys from Provence, and fled to the sea, away from the comte de Tende, Montmorency's brother in law and governor of Provence, who wished to revenge himself for the killing. Montmorency denounced the Strozzi as treasonous to the king. Henri was furious at Leone and was determined to disgrace the entire Strozzi family. Catherine, who was close with the family interceded on the behalf of
Piero Strozzi with Montmorency, telling him that she was certain he would remain loyal and die in French service. Montmorency in turn was able to convince Henri that Piero Strozzi at least was a trustworthy commander. Piero Strozzi again found himself at risk in April 1555 due to his involvement in the capitulation of French held Siena which had been subject to an Imperial siege. In the months that followed, Strozzi's forces were almost encircled, and he had to flee by ship to France. Strozzi proposed to the king that they strike back against the Empire by a naval campaign. Henri frostily noted that Strozzi had already 'ruined a land campaign' and that he did not want the fleet to also be compromised. Catherine and Montmorency worked together to save the Marshal from disgrace, inviting him to court on 20 June 1555 where the king greeted him icily but did not disgrace him. at which
the duc de Guise attained glory Guise was flush with victory after his triumph at Metz, and had gained great esteem in the eyes of the king for his performance. Upon his return the king kissed him, and addressed him as brother. Montmorency was infuriated by this favour shown to his rivals.
Northern campaign of 1553 After the embarrassing defeat at
Thérouanne in 1553 a large royal army was raised for a counter offensive against the Imperials. Montmorency was in part blamed for the failures at Thérouanne, as his eldest son had been the commander in the town. His son was therefore now in captivity. For his part, Montmorency was critiqued for failing to follow up the victory at Metz with a decisive blow against the Imperials in Flanders. Montmorency and the king jointly took charge of raising a force totalling 42,000 men. After the Emperor had razed Thérouanne to the ground he moved on
Hesdin. Montmorency still raising his force dispatched 2,000 men under
Marshal Bouillon to hold the town. Though Bouillon was able to establish himself in the Château he was bombarded from all sides and soon forced to submit on 18 July. Montmorency and the royal force now set out towards Doullens and were able to relieve the siege of the town. Opposite them stood an Imperial force of roughly equal number. Arriving near
Corbie Henri inspected his forces, which alongside Montmorency boasted many of the realm's princes. The force under Montmorency would devastate Bapaume and much of the surrounding countryside and inconclusive struggles in Luxembourg. The Papal Nuncio who joined Montmorency for the campaign pled with him to be merciful, but Montmorency informed him that it was necessary to execute their revenge. The Nuncio estimated around 2,000 villages were burned down. Arriving at Cambrai, which had like Metz been promised as neutral Montmorency demanded they open their doors and supply his army. The inhabitants, well remembering Metz refused and therefore Montmorency began a bombardment, which lasted only six days before the army decided to move on. Montmorency would become seriously ill during the campaign, and it would ultimately be cut short. Indeed it was suspected by many that he was going to die in September 1553. Bad weather and the lateness of the season without any success contributed to the campaign's end.
Languedoc who would serve as lieutenant-general of Languedoc under Montmorency's authority Despite holding the office of governor of Languedoc, Montmorency rarely visited the province, as such there was something of a power vacuum in the region. He held little in the way of territory in Languedoc, with only the seigneuries of Florac, Bagnols and Pézenas to his name in the province. Montmorency's attentions were either devoted to political influence at the centre of power or occupied on campaign. This absence from Languedoc was true even in his period of exclusion from power between 1559 and 1562. The lieutenant-general of Languedoc during his governorship,
Joyeuse was as rigidly Catholic as Montmorency, as was the town governor of Narbonne
Raimond de Beccarie whose charge was important in the province. Joyeuse had been named lieutenant-general of the province in 1561 at Montmorency's request and his father (a former governor of Narbonne) had been a client of Montmorency's since 1548.
Northern campaign of 1554 rewards the victors of
Renty, providing the collar of
Ordre de Saint-Michel to
Marshal Tavannes In 1554 the French army again campaigned in the north, with the army divided into three columns, one under Montmorency while the others were under
the duc de Nevers and
the prince de La Roche-sur-Yon. La Roche-sur-Yon entered Artois burning as he went while Montmorency took the left bank of the Meuse and Nevers the right. On 28 June 1554 after a siege Montmorency secured Mariembourg (renamed Henrimbourg by the victors), where he received the king a few days later. After briefly uniting with the force under Nevers, Montmorency's army stormed
Bouvignes with the garrison of 800 massacred. The army continued its push towards
Bruxelles and carved a path of burned suburbs and destroyed villages all the way to
Crèvecœur-sur-l'Escaut where the force under La Roche-sur-Yon joined the royal army. Montmorency and the king decided to devote the entire royal army to the siege of Renty. However by now the entire Imperial army of 45,000 was in the area. Guise and Coligny, in charge of a small party of 300 were able to turn back the Imperial vanguard, however Montmorency did little to exploit this success and Renty would remain untaken. After Renty, the king decided to retreat the army back to France. Montmorency's responsibilities for the direction of the army became a great burden for him and he was accused of limiting the pursuit of the Imperial army after the
battle of Renty so as to deprive Guise of an opportunity for glory. The Venetian ambassador held him responsible for the failure of the campaign to take Bruxelles. His overall approach to the campaign had been cautious, which became the subject of criticism. It was alleged he was more interested in securing the ransom of his son than the prosecution of the campaign. In both court and the town squares of France Latin verses were composed decrying him as a coward. ==Man of peace==