Rise of militarism The military had a very strong influence on Japanese society during the
Meiji Restoration, starting in 1868, lasting until 1889. Almost all leaders in Japanese society during the
Meiji period (whether in the military, politics or business) were ex
-samurai or descendants of
samurai, and shared a set of values and outlooks. The early Meiji government viewed Japan as threatened by western
imperialism, and one of the prime motivations for the
Fukoku Kyohei policy ("Enrich the Country, Strengthen the Armed Forces") was to strengthen Japan's economic and industrial foundations, so that a strong military could be built to defend Japan against outside powers. The rise of universal
military conscription, introduced by
Yamagata Aritomo in 1873, along with the proclamation of the
Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors in 1882, enabled the military to indoctrinate thousands of men from various social backgrounds with military-patriotic values and the concept of unquestioning loyalty to the Emperor as the basis of the Japanese state
(kokutai). Yamagata, like many Japanese, was strongly influenced by the recent striking success of
Prussia in transforming itself from an agricultural state to a leading modern industrial and military power. He accepted Prussian political ideas, which favored military expansion abroad and authoritarian government at home. The Prussian model also devalued the notion of civilian control over the independent military, which meant that in Japan, as in Germany, the military could develop into a state within a state, thus exercising greater influence on politics in general. Following the German victory in the
Franco-Prussian War, the
Army Staff College and the Japanese
General Staff paid close attention to Major
Jakob Meckel's views on the superiority of the German military model over the French system as the reason for German victory. In response to a Japanese request, Prussian Chief of Staff
Helmuth von Moltke sent Meckel to Japan to become an
O-yatoi gaikokujin (foreign advisor). In Japan, Meckel worked closely with future
prime ministers General
Katsura Tarō and General
Yamagata Aritomo, and with army strategist General
Kawakami Soroku. Meckel made numerous recommendations which were implemented, including reorganization of the command structure of the army into
divisions and regiments, thus increasing mobility, strengthening the army logistics and transportation structure with the major army bases connected by railways, establishing
artillery and engineering regiments as independent commands, and revising the
universal conscription system to abolish virtually all exceptions. A bust of Meckel was sited in front of the Japanese Army Staff College from 1909 through 1945. Although his period in Japan (1885–1888) was relatively short, Meckel had a tremendous impact on the development of the Japanese military. He is credited with having introduced
Clausewitz's military theories and the Prussian concept of war games (
Kriegsspiel) in a process of refining tactics. By training some sixty of the highest-ranking Japanese officers of the time in tactics, strategy and organization, he was able to replace the previous influences of the French advisors with his own philosophies. Meckel especially reinforced
Hermann Roesler's ideal of subservience to the
Emperor, as expressly codified in Articles XI-XIII of the
Meiji Constitution, by teaching his pupils that Prussian military success was a consequence of the officer class's unswerving loyalty to their sovereign Emperor. The rise of political parties in the late Meiji period was coupled with the rise of secret and semi-secret patriotic societies, such as the
Gen'yōsha (1881) and
Kokuryukai (1901), which coupled political activities with
paramilitary activities and
military intelligence, and supported
expansionism overseas as a solution to Japan's domestic issues. Japan felt looked down on by Western countries during the late 19th century. The phrase
fukoku kyōhei (rich nation, strong army) was created during this time and shows how Japanese officials saw imperialism as the way to gain respect and power. With a more aggressive foreign policy, and victory over China in the
First Sino-Japanese War and over
Russia in the
Russo-Japanese War, Japan joined the imperialist powers. The need for a strong military to secure Japan's new overseas empire was strengthened by a sense that only through a strong military would Japan earn the respect of western nations, and thus revision of the
unequal treaties.
Economic factors During the 19th century,
Great Power status was considered dependent on resource-rich
colonial empires, both as a source of raw materials for military and industrial production, and international prestige. Due to the lack of resources in
Japanese home islands, raw materials such as iron, oil, and coal largely had to be imported. The success of Japan in securing
Taiwan (1895) and Korea (1910) had brought Japan primarily agricultural colonies. In terms of resources, the Japanese military looked towards
Manchuria's iron and coal,
Indochina's
rubber, and China's vast resources. However, the army was at variance with the
zaibatsu financial and industrial corporations on how to manage economic expansion, a conflict also affecting domestic politics.
Independence of the military Also forming part of the basis for the growth of militarism was the freedom from
civilian control enjoyed by the Japanese armed forces. In 1878, the
Imperial Japanese Army established the
Imperial Japanese Army General Staff office, modelled after the
German General Staff. This office was independent of, and equal (and later superior) to the
Ministry of War of Japan in terms of authority. The
Imperial Japanese Navy soon followed with the
Imperial Japanese Navy General Staff. These General Staff offices were responsible for the planning and execution of military operations, and reported directly to the emperor. As the Chiefs of the General Staff were not cabinet ministers, they did not report to the
Prime Minister of Japan, and were thus completely independent of any civilian oversight or control. The Army and the Navy also had decisive say on the formation (and survival) of any civilian government. Since the law required that the posts of Army Minister and Navy Minister be filled by active-duty officers nominated by their respective services, and since the law also required that a prime minister resign if he could not fill all of his cabinet posts, both the Army and the Navy had final say on the formation of a cabinet, and could bring down the cabinet at any time by withdrawing their minister and refusing to nominate a successor. In reality, while this tactic was used only one time (ironically to prevent a general,
Kazushige Ugaki, from becoming prime minister in 1937), the threat always loomed large when the military made any demands on the civilian leadership.
Expansionism During the
Taishō period, Japan saw a short period of
democratic rule (the so-called "Taisho democracy"), and several diplomatic attempts were made to encourage peace, such as the
Washington Naval Treaty and participation in the
League of Nations. However, with the beginning of the
Shōwa era, the apparent collapse of the world economic order with the
Great Depression starting in 1929, coupled with the imposition of
trade barriers by western nations and an increasing radicalism in Japanese politics including issues of domestic terrorist violence (including an assassination attempt on the emperor in 1932 and a number of attempted
coups d'état by ultra-nationalist secret societies) led to a resurgence of so-called "jingoistic" patriotism, a weakening of democratic forces and a belief that the military could solve all threats both domestic and foreign.
Patriotic education also strengthened the sense of a
hakko ichiu, or a divine mission to unify Asia under Japanese rule. Those who continued to resist the "military solution" including nationalists with unquestionable patriotism, such as generals
Jotaro Watanabe and
Tetsuzan Nagata and ex-Foreign Minister
Kijūrō Shidehara were driven from office or an active role in the government. A turning point came with the ratification of the
London Naval Treaty of 1930. Prime Minister
Osachi Hamaguchi and his
Minseito party agreed to a treaty which would severely limit Japanese naval power. This treaty was strongly opposed by the military, who claimed that it would endanger national defense, and was portrayed by the opposition
Rikken Seiyukai party as having been forced upon Japan by a hostile United States, which further inflamed growing
anti-foreign sentiment. The Japanese system of party government finally met its demise with the
May 15 Incident in 1932, when a group of junior naval officers and army cadets assassinated Prime Minister
Inukai Tsuyoshi. Although the assassins were put on trial and sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment, they were seen popularly as having acted out of patriotism and the atmosphere was set where the military was able to act with little restraint.
Growth of military adventurism of
Beijing after capturing the city in July 1937. Japan had been involved in the Asian continent continuously from the First Sino-Japanese War,
Boxer Rebellion, Russo-Japanese War, World War I and the
Siberian Intervention. During the term of Prime Minister
Tanaka Giichi from 1927 to 1929, Japan sent troops three times to China to obstruct
Chiang Kai-shek's unification campaign. In June 1928, adventurist officers of the
Kwantung Army embarked on unauthorized initiatives to protect Japanese interests in Manchuria, including the assassination of a former ally, warlord
Zhang Zuolin, in hopes of sparking a general conflict. The
Manchurian Incident of September 1931 did not fail, and it set the stage for the Japanese military takeover of all of Manchuria. Kwantung Army conspirators blew up a few meters of the
South Manchurian Railway Company track near
Mukden, blamed it on Chinese saboteurs, and used the event as an excuse to invade and seize the vast territory. In Tokyo one month later, in the
Imperial Colors Incident, military figures failed in an attempt to establish a
military dictatorship, but again the news was suppressed, and the military perpetrators were not punished. In January 1932, Japanese forces attacked Shanghai in the
First Shanghai Incident, waging a three-month undeclared war there before a truce was reached. The civilian government in Tokyo was powerless to prevent these military adventures, and instead of being condemned, the Kwangtung Army's actions enjoyed considerable popular support. in 1939 Inukai's successors, military men chosen by
Saionji Kinmochi, the last surviving
genrō, recognized
Manchukuo and generally approved the army's actions in securing Manchuria as an industrial base, an area for Japanese emigration, and a potential staging ground for war with the Soviet Union. Various army factions contended for power amid increasing
suppression of dissent and more assassinations. In the
February 26 Incident of 1936, the Army's elite
First Infantry Division staged an attempted coup d'état in yet another effort to overthrow civilian rule. The revolt was put down by other military units, and its leaders were executed after
secret trials. Despite public dismay over these events and the discredit they brought to numerous military figures, Japan's civilian leadership capitulated to the army's demands in the hope of ending domestic violence. Increases were seen in defense budgets, naval construction (Japan announced it would no longer accede to
disarmament treaties), and patriotic indoctrination as Japan moved toward a wartime footing. In November 1936, the
Anti-Comintern Pact, an agreement to exchange information and collaborate in preventing communist activities, was signed by Japan and
Germany (
Italy joined a year later). War was launched against China with the
Marco Polo Bridge Incident of July 7, 1937, in which a clash near Beijing between Chinese and Japanese troops quickly escalated into the full-scale warfare of the
Second Sino-Japanese War, followed by the
Soviet-Japanese Border Wars and the
Pacific War. in 1942 Despite the military's long tradition of independence from civilian control, its efforts at staging a coup d'état to overthrow the civilian government, and its forcing Japan into war through insubordination and military adventurism, the military was ultimately unable to force a military dictatorship on Japan. Under Prime Minister
Konoe Fumimaro, the Japanese government was streamlined to meet war-time conditions, and through the
National Mobilization Law, it was given absolute power over the nation's assets. In 1940, all
political parties were ordered to dissolve into the
Imperial Rule Assistance Association, forming a
one-party state based on
totalitarian values. Even so, there was much entrenched opposition from the government bureaucrats, and in the 1942 general election for the
Japanese Diet, the military was still unable to do away with the last vestiges of party politics. This was partly due to the fact that the military itself was not a monolithic structure, but was rent internally with its own
political factions. Even Japan's wartime Prime Minister,
Hideki Tōjō, had difficulty controlling portions of his own military. Japan's overseas possessions, greatly extended as a result of early successes in the Pacific War were organized into a
Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, which was to have integrated Asia politically and economically—under Japanese leadership—against Western domination. Militarism was even reflected in the clothing trends of the 1930s. Male
kimono designs adopted explicitly militaristic imagery, including soldiers,
bombers, and tanks. These designs were not on public display but on linings and undergarments. They symbolisedor in the case of boy's clothes, were hoped to bring aboutthe alignment of the individual's goals with those of Japan as a whole.
Opposition to militarism Despite the apparently monolithic national consensus on the official aggressive policies pursued by the Imperial government in the first part of the
Shōwa era, some substantial opposition did exist. This was one of various forms of
Japanese dissidence during the Shōwa period. The most organized open opposition to militarism was from the
Japanese Communist Party. In the early 1930s Communist activists attempted to influence army conscripts, but the party was suppressed during the mid-1930s within Japan. Personal opposition included individuals from the fields of party politics, business and culture. Some notable examples include: •
Hara Takashi, a commoner and liberal thinker of the
Rikken Seiyūkai, had become
prime minister in 1918 with the rallying cry of "Militarism is dead." Three years later, however, Hara was assassinated. •
Kijūrō Shidehara followed a non-interventionist policy toward China, attempting to stabilize its relations with Great Britain and the United States. The term "Shidehara diplomacy" came to describe Japan's liberal foreign policy during the 1920s, and was assailed by military interests who believed it was weakening the country. • Baron
Takuma Dan, director of
Mitsui Bank, was an important opponent of Japan overseas interventions and was known for his pro-American views. He was murdered on March 5, 1932, in the
League of Blood Incident. •
Minobe Tatsukichi, a respected professor at
Tokyo Imperial University declared the emperor to be a part of the constitutional structure of Japan rather than a sacred power beyond the state itself in 1935. His constitutional interpretation was overwhelmingly accepted by bureaucrats until the 1930s. In the increasingly militant 1930s, these ideas led to attacks against Minobe in the
House of Peers and his resignation from that body. •
Saitō Takao, a graduate of
Yale University was a member of the
Rikken Minseito party. On February 2, 1940, he made a speech in the
Diet in which he sharply questioned the prosecution and justification of
Japan's "holy war" in China. He was expelled from the Diet on March 7, 1940, and his speech also led to the creation of the
League of Diet Members Believing the Objectives of the Holy War by
Fumimaro Konoe. • Admiral
Sōkichi Takagi, an opponent of Japan's decision to declare war on the United States, was asked by Navy Minister
Shigetarō Shimada to compile a report analyzing Japanese defeats during the Pacific campaign of 1942. His analysis convinced Takagi of Japan's inevitable defeat. Believing that the only solution for Japan was the elimination of the Tojo-led government and a truce with the United States, Takagi began planning for the assassination of Prime Minister
Hideki Tōjō before his removal from office in July 1944. •
Kanō Jigorō, creator of
Judo and founder of the modern Japanese educational system, member of
Japan's Olympic Committee, and de facto foreign minister for Japan was allegedly a staunch opponent of militarism. Concerned that his Judo school, the Kodokan, would be used as a military training center, he obtained a promise from the Emperor that it would not be. Alternate sources list different causes of death, and some consider his passing to be suspicious. •
Tokugawa Iesato, an aristocrat and politician who was the first head of the
Tokugawa clan after the overthrow of the
Tokugawa shogunate in 1868. He was President of the
House of Peers from 1903 to 1933. As President of the House of Peers, Tokugawa promoted democratic principles and international goodwill. From late 1933 and into 1934, he went on a world tour to further strengthen Japan's relationship with its allies in the U.S. and Europe so as to better resist a rising global militarism and fascism. While in the U.S., Prince Tokugawa delivered a radio address to the American public describing the long enduring and friendly relations between United States and Japan; he also met with President
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, as well as other U.S. congressional leaders, encouraging a united front to prevent a potential upcoming war. It was only after his death in 1940 that Japanese militants were able to push Japan into joining the
Axis Powers in
World War II.
Japan attacking Pearl Harbor as head of the
Imperial General Headquarters on 29 April 1943 The surprise attack on Pearl Harbor happened on December 7, 1941.
Multiple events led to the attack, such as the Japanese peoples' opposition to
Westernism and the breaking off of negotiations between Japan and the United States. Japan had plans to take over other Asian countries, which resulted in the US stripping any war materials and resources to be sold to the Japanese and freezing all Japanese assets and bank accounts in the US. The US fleet moved from being stationed in California to be moved to Pearl Harbor to somewhat control Japan's aggression and imposed on an embargo of essential materials, because Japan was trying to take over and control more territories.
Postwar Japan Despite efforts to totally militarize Japanese society during the war, including such measures as the
National Service Draft Ordinance and the
National Spiritual Mobilization Movement, Japanese militarism was discredited by the failure of Japan's military in
World War II and by the
American occupation. After the
surrender of Japan, many of its former military leaders were tried for
war crimes before the
Tokyo tribunal. Furthermore, its government and educational system were revised and
pacifism was written into the postwar
Constitution of Japan as one of its key tenets. ==Timeline==