Pre-colonial of the
Tiwanaku Polity (200 BC) The region now known as Bolivia had been occupied for over 2,500 years when the
Aymara arrived; however, present-day Aymara associate themselves with the ancient civilization of the
Tiwanaku Polity, which had its capital at
Tiwanaku, in Western Bolivia. The capital city of Tiwanaku dates back as early as 1500 BC, when it was a small, agriculturally-based village. The
Aymara community grew to urban proportions between AD 600 and AD 800, becoming an important regional power in the southern
Andes from
La Paz. According to early estimates, the city covered approximately at its peak, and had between 15,000 and 30,000 inhabitants. However, in 1996,
satellite imaging was used to map the extent of preserved
suka kollus (
flooded raised fields) across the three primary valleys of
Tiwanaku, with the results suggesting a population-carrying capacity of anywhere between 285,000 and 1,482,000 people. Around AD 400, Tiwanaku went from being a locally-dominant force to a 'predatory' state, aggressively expanding its reach into the
Yungas and bringing its culture and ways to new peoples in Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. Nonetheless, Tiwanaku was not a violent or domineering culture; to expand its reach, the state exercised great political astuteness, created colonies, fostered local trade agreements (which made other cultures rather dependent), and instituted state cults. As rainfall gradually decreased, the stores of food supplies decreased, and thus the elites lost power. Tiwanaku disappeared around AD 1000. The area remained uninhabited for centuries thereafter. Between 1438 and 1527,
Incan Empire expanded from its capital at
Cusco, gaining control over much of what is now the Bolivian Andes, and extending its control into the fringes of the Amazon basin.
Colonial period , established in 1545, held great significance for the Spanish colonial empire, as its abundant mineral wealth accounted for over half of the global silver production during the colonial period. The
Spanish conquest of the Inca empire began in 1524 and was mostly completed by 1533. The territory now called Bolivia was known as Charcas, and was under the authority of Spain. Local government came from the
Audiencia de Charcas located in Chuquisaca (La Plata—modern
Sucre). Founded in 1545 as a mining town,
Potosí soon produced fabulous wealth, becoming the largest city in the
New World with a population exceeding 150,000 people. in Sucre, a UNESCO World Heritage city By the late 16th century, Bolivian silver was an important source of revenue for the
Spanish Empire. A steady stream of natives served as labor force under the brutal, slave conditions of the Spanish version of the pre-Columbian draft system called the
mita. Charcas was transferred to the
Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776 and the people from Buenos Aires, the capital of the Viceroyalty, coined the term "
Upper Peru" () as a popular reference to the Royal Audiencia of Charcas.
Túpac Katari led the indigenous rebellion that laid siege to
La Paz in March 1781, during which 20,000 people died. As Spanish royal authority weakened during the
Napoleonic Wars, sentiment against colonial rule grew.
Independence and subsequent wars The
struggle for independence started in the city of
Sucre on 25 May 1809 and the
Chuquisaca Revolution (Chuquisaca was then the name of the city) is known as the first cry of Freedom in Latin America. That revolution was followed by the
La Paz revolution on 16 July 1809. The battles of Motoni and Orurillo forced the withdrawal of Bolivian forces occupying Peruvian territory and exposed Bolivia to the threat of counter-invasion. The Treaty of Puno was signed on 7 June 1842, ending the war. However, the climate of tension between Lima and La Paz would continue until 1847, when the signing of a Peace and Trade Treaty became effective. A period of political and economic instability in the early-to-mid-19th century weakened Bolivia. In addition, during the
War of the Pacific (1879–83), Chile occupied vast territories rich in
natural resources south west of Bolivia, including the Bolivian
coast. Chile took control of today's
Chuquicamata area, the adjoining rich
salitre (
saltpeter) fields, and the port of
Antofagasta among other Bolivian territories. Since independence, Bolivia has lost over half of its territory to neighboring countries. Through diplomatic channels in 1909, it lost the basin of the Madre de Dios River and the territory of the Purus in the Amazon, yielding 250,000 km2 to Peru. It also lost the
state of Acre, in the
Acre War, important because this region was known for its production of rubber. Peasants and the Bolivian army fought briefly but after a few victories, and facing the prospect of a total war against Brazil, it was forced to sign the
Treaty of Petrópolis in 1903, in which Bolivia lost this rich territory. Popular myth has it that Bolivian president Mariano Melgarejo (1864–71) traded the land for what he called "a magnificent white horse" and Acre was subsequently flooded with Brazilians, which ultimately led to confrontation and fear of war with Brazil. In the late 19th century, an increase in the world price of silver brought Bolivia relative prosperity and political stability.
Early 20th century During the early 20th century,
tin replaced silver as the country's most important source of wealth. A succession of governments controlled by the economic and social elite followed
laissez-faire capitalist policies through the first 30 years of the 20th century. Living conditions of the native people, who constitute most of the population, remained deplorable. With work opportunities limited to primitive conditions in the mines and in large estates having nearly feudal status, they had no access to education, economic opportunity, and
political participation. Bolivia's defeat by Paraguay in the
Chaco War (1932–1935), where Bolivia lost a great part of the
Gran Chaco region in dispute, marked a turning-point. On 7 April 1943, Bolivia entered
World War II, joining part of the
Allies, which caused president
Enrique Peñaranda to declare war on the
Axis powers of
Germany,
Italy and
Japan. In 1945, Bolivia became a founding member of the United Nations. The
Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), the most historic political party, emerged as a broad-based party. Denied its victory in the 1951 presidential elections, the MNR led a successful revolution in 1952. Under President
Víctor Paz Estenssoro, the MNR, having strong popular pressure, introduced
universal suffrage into his political platform and carried out a sweeping land-reform promoting rural education and nationalization of the country's largest tin mines.
Late 20th century , supported by the CIA,
forcibly ousted President Torres in a coup. Twelve years of tumultuous rule left the MNR divided. In 1964, a military
junta overthrew President Paz Estenssoro at the outset of his third term. The 1969 death of President
René Barrientos, a former member of the junta who was elected president in 1966, led to a succession of weak governments. Alarmed by the rising Popular Assembly and the increase in the popularity of President
Juan José Torres, the military, the MNR, and others installed
Hugo Banzer as president in 1971. He returned to the presidency in 1997 through 2001. Torres, who had fled Bolivia, was kidnapped and assassinated in 1976 as part of
Operation Condor, the U.S.-supported campaign of political repression by South American right-wing dictators. The United States'
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) financed and trained the Bolivian military dictatorship in the 1960s. The revolutionary leader
Che Guevara was killed by a team of CIA officers and members of the Bolivian Army on 9 October 1967, in Bolivia.
Félix Rodríguez was a CIA officer on the team with the Bolivian Army that captured and shot Guevara. Rodriguez said that after he received a Bolivian presidential execution order, he told "the soldier who pulled the trigger to aim carefully, to remain consistent with the Bolivian government's story that Che had been killed in action during a clash with the Bolivian army." Rodriguez said the US government had wanted Che in Panama, and "I could have tried to falsify the command to the troops, and got Che to Panama as the US government said they had wanted", but that he had chosen to "let history run its course" as desired by Bolivia. Elections in 1978 were marked by fraud and those in 1979 were inconclusive. There were
coups d'état, counter-coups, and caretaker governments. Following the 1980 election, General
Luis García Meza carried out a coup d'état. The
Bolivian Workers' Center, which tried to resist the putsch, was violently repressed. More than a thousand people were killed in less than a year. Cousin of one of the country's most important narco-traffickers, García Meza favored the production of cocaine. After a military rebellion forced out García Meza in 1981, three other military governments in fourteen months struggled with Bolivia's growing economic problems. Unrest forced the military to convoke the
Congress elected in 1980, and allow it to choose a new president. In October 1982,
Hernán Siles Zuazo again became president, twenty-two years after the end of his first term of office (1956–1960).
Democratic transition In 1993,
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada was elected
president in alliance with the
Tupac Katari Revolutionary Liberation Movement, which inspired indigenous-sensitive and multicultural-aware policies. Sánchez de Lozada pursued an aggressive economic and social reform agenda. The most dramatic reform was privatization under the "capitalization" program, under which investors, typically foreign, acquired 50% ownership and management control of public enterprises in return for agreed upon capital investments. In 1993, Sanchez de Lozada introduced the
Plan de Todos, which led to the decentralization of government, introduction of
intercultural bilingual education, implementation of
agrarian legislation, and
privatization of state owned businesses. The plan explicitly stated that Bolivian citizens would own a minimum of 51% of enterprises; under the plan, most
state-owned enterprises (SOEs), though not mines, were sold. This privatization of SOEs led to a
neoliberal structuring. The reforms and economic restructuring were strongly opposed by certain segments of society, which instigated frequent and sometimes violent protests, particularly in La Paz and the Chapare
coca-growing region, from 1994 through 1996. The indigenous population of the
Andean region was not able to benefit from government reforms. During this time, the umbrella labor-organization of Bolivia, the
Central Obrera Boliviana (COB), became increasingly unable to effectively challenge government policy. A
teachers' strike in 1995 was defeated because the COB could not marshal the support of many of its members, including construction and factory workers.
General Banzer presidency (1997–2002) In the 1997 elections, General
Hugo Banzer, leader of the
Nationalist Democratic Action party (ADN) and former dictator (1971–1978), won 22% of the vote, while the MNR candidate won 18%. At the outset of his government, President Banzer launched a policy of using special police-units to eradicate physically the illegal coca of the Chapare region. The
Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR) of Jaime Paz Zamora remained a coalition-partner throughout the Banzer government, supporting this policy (called the Dignity Plan). The Banzer government continued the free-market and privatization-policies of its predecessor. The relatively robust economic growth of the mid-1990s continued until about the third year of its term in office. After that, regional, global and domestic factors contributed to a decline in economic growth. Financial crises in Argentina and Brazil, lower world prices for export commodities, and reduced employment in the coca sector depressed the Bolivian economy. The public also perceived a significant amount of public sector corruption. These factors contributed to increasing social protests during the second half of Banzer's term. Between January 1999 and April 2000, large-scale
protests erupted in
Cochabamba, Bolivia's third largest city at the time, in response to the
privatization of water resources by foreign companies and a subsequent doubling of water prices. On 6 August 2001, Banzer resigned from office after being diagnosed with cancer. He died less than a year later. Vice President
Jorge Fernando Quiroga Ramírez completed the final year of his term.
Sánchez de Lozada and Mesa presidencies (2002–2005) In the June 2002 national elections, former President
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada (MNR) placed first with 22.5% of the vote, followed by coca advocate and native peasant leader
Evo Morales (
Movement Toward Socialism, MAS) with 20.9%. A July agreement between the MNR and the fourth-place MIR, which had again been led in the election by former President Jaime Paz Zamora, virtually ensured the election of Sánchez de Lozada in the congressional run-off, and on 6 August he was sworn in for the second time. The MNR platform featured three overarching objectives: economic reactivation (and job creation), anti-corruption, and social inclusion. In 2003, the
Bolivian gas conflict broke out. On 12 October 2003, the government imposed martial law in El Alto after 16 people were shot by the police and several dozen wounded in violent clashes. Faced with the option of resigning or more bloodshed, Sánchez de Lozada offered his resignation in a letter to an emergency session of Congress. After his resignation was accepted and his vice president,
Carlos Mesa, became president, he left on a commercially scheduled flight for the United States. The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court,
Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa.
Morales presidency (2005–2019) Evo Morales won the
2005 presidential election with 53.7% of the votes. On 1 May 2006, Morales announced his intent to
re-nationalize Bolivian hydrocarbon assets following protests which demanded this action. Fulfilling a campaign promise, on 6 August 2006, Morales opened the
Bolivian Constituent Assembly to begin writing a new constitution aimed at giving more power to the indigenous majority. 2009 marked the creation of a new constitution and the renaming of the country to the Plurinational State of Bolivia. The previous constitution did not allow a consecutive reelection of a president, but the new constitution allowed for just one reelection, starting the dispute if Evo Morales was enabled to run for a second term arguing he was elected under the last constitution. This also triggered a new general election in which Evo Morales was re-elected with 61.36% of the vote. His party,
Movement for Socialism, also won a two-thirds majority in both houses of the
National Congress. By 2013, after being reelected under the new constitution, Evo Morales and his party attempted a third term as President of Bolivia. The opposition argued that a third term would be unconstitutional, but the Bolivian Constitutional Court ruled that Morales' first term under the previous constitution did not count towards his term limit. This allowed Evo Morales to run for a third term in 2014, and he was re-elected with 64.22% of the vote. During his third term, Evo Morales began to plan for a fourth, and the
2016 Bolivian constitutional referendum asked voters to override the constitution and allow Evo Morales to run for an additional term in office. Morales narrowly lost the referendum; however, in 2017 his party then petitioned the Bolivian Constitutional Court to override the constitution on the basis that the
American Convention on Human Rights made term limits a human rights violation. The
Inter-American Court of Human Rights determined that term limits are not a human rights violation in 2018; however, once again the Bolivian Constitutional Court ruled that Morales has permission to run for a fourth term in the 2019 elections, and this permission was not retracted. "[T]he country's highest court overruled the constitution, scrapping term limits altogether for every office. Morales can now run for a fourth term in 2019 – and for every election thereafter." The revenues generated by the partial
nationalization of hydrocarbons made it possible to finance several social measures: the Renta Dignidad (or old age minimum) for people over 60 years old; the Juana Azurduy voucher (named after the revolutionary Juana Azurduy de Padilla, 1780–1862), which ensures the complete coverage of medical expenses for pregnant women and their children in order to fight infant mortality; the Juancito Pinto voucher (named after a child hero of the Pacific War, 1879–1884), an aid paid until the end of secondary school to parents whose children are in school in order to combat school dropout, and the Single Health System, which since 2018 has offered all Bolivians free medical care. The reforms adopted made the Bolivian economic system the most successful and stable in the region. Between 2006 and 2019, GDP grew from $9 billion to over $40 billion, real wages increased, GDP per capita tripled, foreign exchange reserves rose, inflation was essentially eliminated, and extreme poverty fell from 38% to 15%, a 23-point drop.
Áñez presidency (2019–2020) During the 2019 elections, the
Transmisión de Resultados Electorales Preliminares (TREP) (a quick count process used in Latin America as a transparency measure in electoral processes) was interrupted; at the time, Morales had a lead of 46.86 percent to Mesa's 36.72, after 95.63 percent of tally sheets were counted. Two days after the interruption, the official count showed Morales fractionally clearing the 10-point margin he needed to avoid a runoff election, with the final official tally counted as 47.08 percent to Mesa's 36.51 percent, starting a wave of protests and tension in the country. Amidst allegations of fraud perpetrated by the Morales government, widespread
protests were organized to dispute the election. On 10 November, the
Organization of American States (OAS) released a preliminary report concluding several irregularities in the election, though these findings were heavily disputed.
The New York Times reported on 7 June 2020 that the OAS analysis immediately after the 20 October election was flawed yet fuelled "a chain of events that changed the South American nation's history". , results by department and
David Choquehuanca on 8 November 2020 After weeks of protests, Morales resigned on national television shortly after the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces General
Williams Kaliman had urged that he do so to restore "peace and stability". Opposition Senator
Jeanine Áñez declared herself interim president, claiming constitutional succession after the president, vice president and both head of the legislature chambers. She was confirmed as interim president by the constitutional court who declared her succession to be constitutional and automatic. International politicians, scholars and journalists are divided between describing the event as a coup or a spontaneous social uprising against an unconstitutional fourth term. Protests to reinstate Morales as president continued becoming highly violent: burning public buses and private houses, destroying public infrastructure and harming pedestrians. The protests were met with more violence by security forces against Morales supporters after Áñez exempted police and military from criminal responsibility in operations for "the restoration of order and public stability". In April 2020, the interim government took out a loan of more than $327 million from the
International Monetary Fund to meet the country's needs during the
COVID-19 pandemic. New elections were scheduled for 3 May 2020. In response to the
coronavirus pandemic, the Bolivian electoral body, the TSE, made an announcement postponing the election. MAS reluctantly agreed with the first delay only. A date for the new election was delayed twice more, in the face of massive protests and violence. The final proposed date for the elections was 18 October 2020. Observers from the OAS, UNIORE, and the UN all reported that they found no fraudulent actions in the 2020 elections. The
general election had a record voter turnout of 88.4% and ended in a landslide win for MAS which took 55.1% of the votes compared to 28.8% for centrist former president Carlos Mesa. Both Mesa and Áñez conceded defeat.
Luis Arce presidency (2020–2025) On 8 November 2020,
Luis Arce was sworn in as President of Bolivia alongside his Vice President
David Choquehuanca. In February 2021, the Arce government returned an amount of around $351 million to the IMF. This comprised a loan of $327 million taken out by the interim government in April 2020 and interest of around $24 million. The government said it returned the loan to protect Bolivia's economic sovereignty and because the conditions attached to the loan were unacceptable.
2025 election and Rodrigo Paz presidency (2025–present) In October 2025,
Rodrigo Paz of the centre-right
Christian Democratic Party (PDC) won the run-off race of the
election against right-wing former president
Jorge Quiroga, meaning the end of governance by the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party and a clear political shift to the right. On 8 November 2025, Rodrigo Paz was sworn in as Bolivia's new president during Bolivia's worst economic crisis in 40 years. == Geography ==