Mountbatten's experience in the region, and in particular his perceived
Labour sympathies at the time, together with his wife's longstanding friendship and collaboration with
V. K. Krishna Menon, led Menon to put forward Mountbatten's name alone as a viceregal candidate acceptable to the
Indian National Congress, in clandestine meetings with Sir
Stafford Cripps and
Clement Attlee. Attlee advised King
George VI to appoint Mountbatten
Viceroy of India on 20 February 1947, charging him with overseeing the transition of British India to independence no later than 30 June 1948. Mountbatten's instructions were to avoid partition and preserve a united India as the outcome of the
transfer of power, but he was authorised to adapt to a changing situation in order to secure Britain's prompt withdrawal with minimal reputational damage. Mountbatten arrived in India on 22 March by air from
London. That evening, he was taken to
his residence, and two days later he took the viceregal oath. His arrival coincided with large-scale communal riots in
Delhi and
Bombay, and large-scale
massacres in Rawalpindi. Mountbatten concluded that the situation was too volatile to wait even a year before granting independence. Although his advisers favoured a gradual transfer of power, he decided that the only viable course was a quick and orderly handover of power the end of 1947; in his view, any longer risked civil war. Mountbatten also hurried the process so that he could return to the Royal Navy. Mountbatten was fond of
Congress leader
Jawaharlal Nehru and his liberal outlook for the country, and, through the efforts of their close mutual friend,
Krishna Menon, developed a depth of feeling and intimacy with Nehru that was shared by his wife, Edwina. He felt differently about the
Muslim League leader
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, but recognised his influence, stating "If it could be said that any single man held the future of India in the palm of his hand in 1947, that man was Mohammad Ali Jinnah." Mountbatten tried to persuade him of the merits of a united India, citing the difficultly of dividing the mixed provinces of
Punjab and
Bengal, but Jinnah remained unyielding in his goal of establishing a
separate Muslim state called Pakistan. (left) and
Muhammad Ali Jinnah (right) in discussing the partition of British India, 1947. Given the British government's recommendation to grant independence quickly, Mountbatten concluded that a united India was no longer an achievable goal and resigned himself to a plan for partition, creating the independent nations of India and Pakistan. Among the Indian leaders,
Mahatma Gandhi emphatically insisted on maintaining a
united India and for a time successfully rallied support for this goal. During his meeting with Mountbatten, Gandhi asked him to invite Jinnah to form a new central government, but Mountbatten never conveyed Gandhi's proposal to Jinnah. When Mountbatten's accelerated timeline offered the prospect of attaining independence soon, political sentiment shifted. Given Mountbatten's determination, the inability of Nehru and
Sardar Patel to reach an accommodation with the Muslim League, and Jinnah's obstinacy, all
Indian party leaders (except Gandhi) acquiesced to Jinnah's plan to divide India, which in turn eased Mountbatten's task. Mountbatten also developed a strong relationship with the
Indian princes, who ruled those parts of India not directly under British administration, and his intervention was decisive in persuading the vast majority of them to see the advantages of joining the
Indian Union. On one hand, the integration of the princely states can be viewed as a positive aspect of his legacy, but on the other, the refusal of
Hyderabad,
Jammu, and Kashmir, and
Junagadh to join one of the dominions contributed to future
wars between Pakistan and India. Mountbatten brought forward the date of partition from June 1948 to 15 August 1947. The uncertainty surrounding the future borders prompted
Muslims and
Hindus to move towards areas where they believed they would be in the majority. Both communities were deeply fearful, and the movement of Muslims from the East was matched by a similar movement of Hindus from the West. A boundary committee chaired by Sir
Cyril Radcliffe was charged with drawing the borders of the new nations. With a mandate to leave as many Hindus and
Sikhs in India, and as many Muslims in Pakistan, as possible, Radcliffe
produced a map that divided the two countries along the Punjab and Bengal borders. This left 14 million people on the "wrong" side of the line, and many fled to "safety" on the other side when the boundaries were announced.
Independence of India and Pakistan , the first Prime Minister of sovereign India, in Government House. Lady Mountbatten is standing to their left. When India and Pakistan attained independence at midnight on 14–15 August 1947, Mountbatten was alone in his study at the Viceroy's House, reflecting that for a few minutes more he remained the most powerful man on Earth. At 12 am, as a final act of showmanship, he created
Joan Falkiner, the Australian wife of the Nawab of
Palanpur, a highness — a gesture that was reportedly one of his favourite duties, and one that was annulled at the stroke of midnight. . Notwithstanding the self-promotion of his own role in Indian independence – notably in the television series
The Life and Times of Admiral of the Fleet Lord Mountbatten of Burma, produced by his son-in-law
Lord Brabourne, and in
Freedom at Midnight by
Dominique Lapierre and
Larry Collins, for which he was the principal quoted source – his record is regarded as very mixed. One common view is that he hastened the process of independence unduly and recklessly, foreseeing vast disruption and loss of life and not wanting this to occur on his watch, but thereby helping to bring it about indirectly, especially in Punjab and Bengal.
John Kenneth Galbraith, the Canadian-American
Harvard University economist who advised Indian governments during the 1950s and, as an intimate of Nehru, served as the American ambassador from 1961 to 1963, was a particularly harsh critic of Mountbatten in this regard. Another view, however, is that the British were forced to expedite partition to avoid involvement in a potential civil war, with law and order already breaking down and Britain possessing limited resources after the Second World War. According to historian Lawrence James, Mountbatten had no option but to cut and run, the alternative being British involvement in a civil war with no viable exit. He made clear his lack of support for, and faith in, the
Muslim League's idea of Pakistan.
Jinnah refused Mountbatten's offer to serve as
Governor-General of Pakistan. When Mountbatten was asked by Collins and Lapierre whether he would have sabotaged the creation of Pakistan had he known that Jinnah was dying of
tuberculosis, he replied, "Most probably".
Governor-General of India Mountbatten became the first
Governor-General of independent India on 15 August 1947 at the request of Indian Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru.
Life magazine noted of his reception in India that, "The people gathered in the streets to cheer Mountbatten as no European had ever been cheered before." During his tenure as governor-general, which lasted until 21 June 1948, Mountbatten played a significant role in the
political integration of India and persuaded many
princely states to join the new dominion. On his advice, India took the issue of Kashmir to the newly formed
United Nations in January 1948. Accounts differ on the future Mountbatten desired for Kashmir. Pakistani sources suggest that he favoured the
accession of Kashmir to India, citing his close relationship with Nehru, while Mountbatten's own account states that he simply wanted
Maharaja Hari Singh to make a decision. He made several attempts to mediate between the Congress leaders, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and Hari Singh on issues relating to accession of Kashmir, though he was largely unsuccessful in resolving the conflict. After the
tribal invasion of Kashmir, it was on his suggestion that India secured the state's accession from Hari Singh before sending in military forces for its defence. After his tenure concluded, Mountbatten continued to enjoy close relations with Nehru and the post-Independence Indian leadership, and he was welcomed as a former governor-general on subsequent visits, including during an official trip in March 1956. The Pakistani government, by contrast, held a negative view of Mountbatten for what it perceived as his hostile attitude towards Pakistan and deemed him
persona non grata, barring him from transiting its airspace during the same visit. == Later career ==