Formation and early history (1991–2008) The
Soviet Union officially
dissolved on 25 December 1991. For the next year various attempts to keep its unity and to transform the Soviet Armed Forces into the military of the
Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) failed. Over time, some units stationed in the newly independent republics swore loyalty to their new national governments, while a series of treaties between the newly independent states divided up the military's assets.
Marshal Yevgeny Shaposhnikov worked to create a unified CIS armed forces, but President
Boris Yeltsin established the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation in May 1992. On 7 May 1992, Yeltsin signed a decree establishing the Russian Armed Forces and assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.
Colonel General Pavel Grachev became the Minister of Defence, and was promoted as Russia's first
general of the army on assuming the post. By the end of 1993, the CIS military structures had become military cooperation structures. Grachev and his allies worked to undermine Shaposhnikov, and there was opposition to his efforts from the newly independent states. The May 1992 creation of the Russian Ministry of Defence was the practical end of the Soviet military; Shaposhnikov and his small staff were evicted from the Soviet General Staff and Defence Ministry buildings in central Moscow, being sent to the former
Warsaw Pact headquarters on the city's outskirts. The pretence of the CIS armed forces continued until June 1993, when the Russian Defence Ministry refused to provide necessary funding for it, and Shaposhnikov resigned as its commander-in-chief. Apart from assuming control of the bulk of the former Soviet
Internal Troops and the
KGB Border Troops, seemingly the only independent defence move the new
Russian government made before March 1992 involved announcing the establishment of a
National Guard. Until 1995, it was planned to form at least 11
brigades numbering 3,000 to 5,000 each, with a total of no more than 100,000. National Guard military units were to be deployed in 10 regions, including in Moscow (three brigades), (two brigades), and a number of other important cities and regions. In Moscow alone 15,000 personnel expressed their desire to service in the new Russian Army, mostly former
Soviet Armed Forces servicemen. In the end, President
Yeltsin tabled a
decree "On the temporary position of the Russian Guard", but it was not put into practice. During the 1990s twelve other agencies besides the Ministry of Defence also had military formations, and were known as "power ministries." In the next few years, Russian forces withdrew from central and eastern Europe, as well as from some newly independent
post-Soviet states. Under agreements signed with several states, the last forces were withdrawn from most of these regions by 31 August 1994. Soviet nuclear forces were either dismantled or returned to Russia under agreements with
Belarus,
Kazakhstan, and
Ukraine, while the conventional forces caused more issues. Although the withdrawal was largely peaceful, and entire units were moved piecemeal to the Russian Federation, some units remained in newly independent countries, such as the
Black Sea Fleet in Ukraine's
Crimea, the
14th Army in
Moldova's
Transnistria, and other units in
Georgia and
Tajikistan. Some of them became involved in local ethnic or political conflicts. Russia continues to have
several bases in foreign countries, especially in the former Soviet republics. During the
presidency of Boris Yeltsin, reforms to the military focused on reductions in personnel and restructuring of the armed services. In 1992 there were five branches: the Ground Forces, the Air Force, the Navy, the Strategic Missile Forces, and the Air Defence Forces. By 2001, the Air Defence Forces were combined into the Air Force, and the Strategic Missile Forces were reduced to an independent combat arm. In the late 1990s there was a debate between Chief of the General Staff
Anatoly Kvashnin and Minister of Defence
Igor Sergeyev on whether to prioritise funding to conventional or nuclear forces. The nuclear forces were deemed more important, and a result, the Navy, Air Force, and Air Defence Forces were cut in half, and the Ground Forces saw the largest reduction, by two-thirds. The military's overall strength was reduced from 2,720,000 in 1992 to 1,004,000 in 2000. In the same time period, the Ground Forces were cut from 1,400,000 to 348,000; the Air Force and Air Defence Forces from 300,000 and 356,000, respectively, to a combined 184,600; the Navy from 320,000 to 171,500; and the Strategic Missile Forces from 181,000 to 149,000. The Airborne Forces were reduced from 64,300 to 48,500 in the late 1990s. In 1998 the post of
Ground Forces Commander-in-Chief was temporarily abolished, and replaced by a Ground Forces directorate. There were widespread social and economic problems caused by the sudden arrival of troops at bases in Russia that did not have accommodations for them, and by drastic military spending cuts as Russia faced an economic crisis during its transition to a
market economy. This led to a severe decline in discipline, with crime and the already-existing hazing of conscripts (
dedovshchina) becoming more common, which in turn led to draft dodging. Many officers and sergeants left the military. Equipment maintenance and training also drastically declined. As of 1998, there had been no exercises above the division level since 1992, and annual flight hours for pilots were reduced to 25, far less than in NATO states. The military's decline was evident during the
First Chechen War from 1994 to 1996, when it was unable subdue separatists in Russia's
Chechnya and the
North Caucasus. Internationally, Russia deployed forces to
Croatia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina for peacekeeping starting from 1992, and to
Kosovo from 1999. of the
Kosovo Force (KFOR) in August 2000. The Russian Armed Forces inherited the Soviet era mass mobilisation structure, designed to use reservists to fight a major war involving mechanised deep operations. Pavel Grachev, who was the defence minister until 1996, proposed the creation of a fully manned and equipped high-readiness "mobile force" that could be quickly deployed to conflict zones, but this was unsuccessful. What did occur in the second half of the 1990s was the creation of "permanent ready forces," which had better manning and equipment levels, and these were used with success during the
Second Chechen War from 1999 to 2004. The military in the early presidency of
Vladimir Putin still largely had the mass mobilisation structure and Soviet era equipment. Under Putin, the Security Council became the dominant institution coordinating national security policy, limiting the influence of the Defence Ministry and General Staff, and creating a more unified command than had existed in the Yeltsin years. The state armaments programme of 2002 recognised that most orders went unfulfilled during the 1990s, and instead prioritised research and development, with procurement of new equipment scheduled to begin after 2008. Corruption is also a significant impediment to the Armed Forces. In January 2008, senior research fellow at the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment Tor Bukkvoll said "The change from Yeltsin to Putin had minimal effect on Russian military corruption. Putin, despite his desire to rebuild Russian strength, has not shown himself willing or able to seriously deal with corruption.″
Serdyukov reform (2008–2012) In October 2008,
Anatoly Serdyukov, the Minister of Defence from 2007 to 2012, launched the "New Look" military reform, along with the Chief of the General Staff, General
Nikolai Makarov. These have been described as "the most radical changes in the Russian military since the creation of the Red Army in 1918" and as "driving the transformation from a conventional mobilization army to a permanently combat-ready force." Previous attempts at major reforms during the 1990s had been largely undermined, with the most notable change being the merger of the
Russian Air Defence Forces with the Russian Air Force. Among the changes that took place from 2008 were the creation of four new military districts from the previous nine, which now had a combat command role in addition to their previous force generation and support function. Most divisions in the Ground Forces were abolished in favour of separate manoeuvre brigades, intended to be fully manned and at a higher state of readiness, and equipped with modernised or new equipment. though they were not as large as in the past. Many of the shortcomings that had been revealed in the 2008
Russo-Georgian War were addressed by the reform, as seen during the
2014 Russian annexation of Crimea. In early 2014, Russian special forces, Airborne Forces, and Naval Infantry rapidly took control of
Crimea. The Russian military also worked to mobilise, train, and equip
pro-Russian separatist forces during the
war in Donbass starting in early 2014. In July 2015,
Syria requested military assistance from Russia after advances made by the
Islamic State. In August, an agreement was signed between them on the use of
Khmeimim Air Base and
Tartus naval base by the Russian military, and starting from September, aircraft and warships began arriving. Russian airstrikes began on 30 September 2015. Russian forces assisted the
Syrian Arab Armed Forces in the fall of 2015 with offensives in
Hama,
Homs, and
Aleppo regions. After a pause in hostilities for several months, in the summer and fall of 2016 Russia assisted Syria with a
series of offensives that retook Aleppo city from the
Syrian opposition. Russian forces also assisted in
retaking Palmyra from ISIS in March 2016 and
again in May 2017, and with a
major campaign against ISIS in central Syria, up to the
Euphrates river valley, until the end of 2017. A draw down of Russian forces in Syria was announced in November 2017, and it was followed by a decline in operations. In August 2019 it was announced that Russian military flights were "reduced to a minimum and performed only for combat training and reconnaissance". The armed forces gained significant experience during the
intervention in the
Syrian civil war, which also allowed them to test new equipment and command and control systems. The aircraft carrier
Admiral Kuznetsov was used in combat for the first time. As of 2017, over 48,000 personnel had been deployed to Syria, and by 2021, 90% of Aerospace Forces pilots had been rotated through there. During its intervention in Syria, Russia was accused of committing war crimes alongside the Syrian government forces, including indiscriminate bombing of civilian areas and structures such as hospitals, schools and markets. In one of the incidents, the
Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic described a series of Russian air strikes on a market in the densely populated
Maarat al-Numan as a ″double tap″ strike, where after the initial strike, a second bombing wave struck the same target as rescue workers were on the scene, resulting in 43 deaths, including four children, and at least 109 injured civilians. The main focus of Shoigu and Gerasimov during the 2010s were rearmament and improving coordination between the military, civilian agencies, and the military-industrial complex. then $69.2 billion in 2016, surpassing Saudi Arabia to take 3rd place globally (after the U.S. and China). According to the
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, by 2014, Russian exports of major weapons increased by 37 percent. As of 2020 the Ground Forces were considered "smaller and more capable than they were in the mid-1990s" by the
International Institute for Strategic Studies, and the Airborne Forces and reorganised Special Operations Forces were also part of Russia's high-readiness capability. The Russian General Staff provided five strategic directions to its four groups of forces involved in the operation. The directions were
Kyiv for the Eastern Group of Forces, which was the main strike;
Brovary for the Central group; and
Poltava for the Western group. The Southern Group of Forces had two directions: towards
Mariupol in Donetsk Oblast, and west of Crimea towards
Kherson. After the
Kyiv offensive was abandoned in March 2022, the
attack toward Mariupol became the main strike. The Southern group was the only one to achieve its initial objectives, outmaneuvering the
Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) in
southern Ukraine and amassing firepower at Mariupol. By May 2022, the Eastern and Central groups were withdrawn and sent to southeast Ukraine after being reconstituted, while the Western group was shifted to the
Kharkiv Oblast. On 10 April 2022 General
Aleksandr Dvornikov assumed field command of the operation. However, the General Staff initially led the operation from Moscow, before a separate Joint Group of Forces (temporary operational command) was established in October 2022. In July 2022, at the same time as the Armed Forces began suffering
severe casualties, the Ground Forces began to site ammunition in or near structures which are frequented by civilians due to the
human shield benefit, ostensibly because Ukrainian
HIMARS had tilted the odds of his strategy of attrition by artillery. Within hours after Defence Minister
Sergei Shoigu's signature on the UN-brokered deal to resume Ukraine's Black Sea grain exports, Russia bombed the
Port of Odesa. According to
Forbes Moscow had committed, as of the end of July 2022, 10 of its
Combined Arms Armies to the invasion. The
Wagner Group has made a name for itself as Putin's "private army." In late 2022, the newly appointed commander of the Joint Group of Forces in Ukraine, General
Sergey Surovikin, decided to use Wagner forces to fix the AFU at
Bakhmut while rebuilding Russian military formations in the aftermath of the initial invasion, and Ukraine's successful
Kherson and
Kharkiv counteroffensives. General
Valery Gerasimov, the Chief of the General Staff, assumed command of the Joint Group of Forces on 11 January 2023, and Surovikin became his first deputy. The Russian military held
Zaporozhye Oblast during the summer
2023 Ukrainian counteroffensive, after which it regained the initiative in Ukraine. In June 2023, Putin backed the Ministry of Defence's plan to make mercenary groups sign contracts, which Wagner leader
Yevgeny Prigozhin pushed against: these contracts would have placed the Wagner Group under the Ministry's command structure as subordinates and limited Prigozhin's own influence. Later in June, the Wagner Group
turned against the Russo-Ukrainian war and the Ministry of Defence until a peace deal was reached. According to Prigozhin, part of the reason for his march against Russia was to stop the government from "[dismantling] PMC Wagner." Russia planned to expand its active personnel to 1.5 million by the end of 2024, which would have made it the second largest active military force after China. In February 2024 the Russian military
captured Avdiivka and continued advancing over the rest of the year, despite Ukrainian efforts to halt the advance. By July 2024, U.S. Army General
Christopher Cavoli, NATO
Supreme Allied Commander Europe said that "[t]he Russians are very cleverly adapting technologically and procedurally to many of the challenges that they run into in Ukraine". Cavoli also said in April 2024 that the Russian military has replaced its troop and equipment losses and is larger than it was before the start of the conflict. On 26 June 2024, the
UK-based
Royal United Services Institute think tank reported that Russia continues to increase the production and sophistication of its main weapons and its defence industry remained highly dependent on foreign imports of critical components. The Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief Colonel General
Oleksandr Syrskyi said on 24 July 2024 that Russians were much better resourced now but also suffer three times higher losses than Ukraine. According to
NATO and Western military officials, approximately 1,200 Russian soldiers were killed or wounded in Ukraine every day on average in May and June 2024. In June 2024, it was estimated that approximately 2% of all Russian men aged 20 to 50 had been killed or seriously wounded in Ukraine since February 2022. As of October 2024, it was estimated that over 600,000 Russian soldiers had been killed or wounded while fighting in Ukraine. Military courts have received thousands of
AWOL cases since Russia's 2022 mobilisation.
Pro Asyl said in 2024 that at least 250,000 Russian conscripts had fled to other countries since February 2022. After some conscripts had been deployed during the initial invasion in 2022, despite Russian law prohibiting their use outside Russia, Vladimir Putin publicly apologised, and several generals were removed and/or arrested. Conscripts have not been observed in Ukraine since then. Despite Putin's promise that conscripts would not be sent to fight, dozens of conscripts were captured or went missing during the
Ukrainian Kursk offensive in 2024 according to Russian news outlet
Vyorstka. According to activists and lawyers, there is a legal loophole that allows the combat deployment of conscripts, where after just four months of training, they can sign full volunteer combat contracts, which the conscripts often do not fully understand before singning. In November 2024,
The Telegraph reported that Russia had for the first time issued a manual to soldiers instructing how to dig and maintain mass graves amid growing casualties. Russia's use of mass graves to bury its soldiers has been documented in occupied parts of Ukraine's eastern Donbas region. In April 2025,
Oleksandr Syrskyi said that Russian troops in Ukraine were now 623,000, increased fivefold since the start of the invasion, and they are increasing by 8,000-9,000 soldiers each month. He also said that Russia's overall mobilisation capacity is 20 million people or 5 million people with military training. However, he noted that Russia's advantage in artillery has dropped from 10 to 1 to 2 to 1, mainly because of Ukrainian strikes on Russian ammunition depots. In June 2025, Secretary General of NATO
Mark Rutte said that Russians "are reconstituting themselves at a rapid pace" and produce multiple times more ammunition than whole of NATO, despite having a much smaller economy. Rutte also assessed that Russia could attack NATO territory within three to five years and called on member-states to increase defence spending to 5% of their GDP. As
drone warfare became a central facet of the
Russo-Ukrainian war, Russia increased its investment and development in various types of drones. On 12 November 2025, Russia officially created its newest
branch: the
Unmanned Systems Forces. It was created to centralise the development, deployment, and operational command of unmanned aerial, ground, and naval systems, and for integrating autonomous platforms into existing military structures. In October 2025, several sources reported that according to an investigation by the exiled news outlet Vyorstka, Russian military commanders have been executing and torturing their own personnel since the first year of the invasion. As part of the investigation, Vyorstka said it had obtained hundreds of accounts of executions, with the incidents evolving from initially being punishments for drunkenness or disobedience in the trenches into killings over personal conflicts or
extortion, and identified 101 servicemen accused of carrying them out. Over 12,000 complaints related to abuse has been sent to Russia's Chief Military Prosecutor's Office since the start of the full-scale war, with a particular increase since the second half of 2023. Out of these, only 10 criminal cases have been opened, resulting in five officers being convicted of killing subordinates. According to the investigation, there is an ″unofficial ban″ on investigating field commanders. Russian soldiers speaking to Vyorstka said that the executed personnel were often listed as deserters or as missing in action, while their bodies were buried in forests or left in the battlefield and shot at to imply combats deaths. According to the BBC in February 2026, which published interviews with Russian soldiers on record describing executions, killing your own soldiers is referred to in Russian military slang as ″zeroing″. According to the Royal United Services Institute, Russia has gained "combat experience" from the Russo-Ukrainian war.
War crimes War crimes committed by the Russian Armed Forces have been documented in several military conflicts, including the
Second Chechen War, the
Russo-Georgian War, and the
Russo-Ukrainian war. In 2024, the
International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for top Russian military officers
Sergei Shoigu,
Valery Gerasimov,
Sergey Kobylash, and
Viktor Sokolov for alleged war crimes of
directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects in Ukraine. In May 2025, a UN report concluded that the Russian Armed Forces's recurrent drone attacks on
civilians in Kherson amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. ==Structure==