João Goulart

João Goulart was nicknamed Jango (), a common nickname for João in the south of Brazil. The Jânio Quadros–João Goulart presidential bid was thus called Jan–Jan (an amalgamation of Jânio and Jango). His childhood nickname was Janguinho (little Jango). In his informality and affection, Getúlio Vargas also called him Janguinho. His grandfather, Belchior Rodrigues Goulart, descended from Portuguese immigrants from the Azores who arrived in Rio Grande do Sul in the second half of the 19th century. ==Early life==

Goulart was born at Yguariaçá Farm, in Itacurubi, São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, on 1 March 1919. Most sources indicate that João was born in 1918, but his birth year is actually 1919; his father ordered a second birth certificate adding a year to his son's age so that he could attend the law school at the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. Yguariaçá Farm was isolated and his mother had no medical care at his birth, only the assistance of her mother, Maria Thomaz Vasquez Marques. According to João's sister Yolanda, "my grandmother was the one able to revive little João who, at birth, already looked like he was dying." Like most Azorean descendants, Maria Thomaz was a devout Catholic. While trying to revive her grandson, warming him, she prayed to John the Baptist, promising that if the newborn survived, he would be his namesake and would not cut his hair until the age of three, when he would march in the procession of 24 June dressed as the saint. Following the beliefs of the region, his mother dressed him in women's clothes in his first year of life (cf. breeching). (born 1925), to whom he was deeply attached, died of leukemia at 33. João left for the nearby town of Itaqui, because his father Vicente wished to form a partnership with Protásio Vargas, Getúlio's brother, after both leased a small refrigerator house (a cold storage business) in Itaqui from an English businessman. While Vicente ran the business for the following years, João attended the [boarding] school of the Teresian Sisters of Mary, along with his sisters. In the state capital, João lived at a pension with friends Almir Palmeiro and Abadé dos Santos Ayub, the latter of whom was very attached to him. That same year, he finished the third grade of the ginásio (high school) at Colégio Anchieta, With this he generated a fortune in cattle, of US$506,630.001 in 1946. and he did not accept any kind of discrimination. ==Political career==

Sent back to Porto Alegre after graduating from high school, Goulart attended law school to satisfy his father, who desired that he earn a degree. While there, Goulart restored contact with his youth friends Abadé Ayub and Salvador Arísio, and made new friends and explored the state capital's nightlife. It was during that time of a bohemian lifestyle that Goulart acquired a venereal disease, syphilis, which paralyzed his left knee almost entirely. He would never fully practice law. Beginning at PTB Goulart's father died in 1943, He did not need to enter politics to rise socially, but the frequent meetings with Vargas, a close friend of his father, were decisive in Goulart's pursuit of a public life. Goulart declined but later accepted Getúlio Vargas's invitation to join the Brazilian Labour Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro – PTB). He was elected with 4,150 votes, becoming the fifth-most of 23 deputies. Goulart was not an active member of the assembly, becoming one of the party members who most insistently urged him to launch a presidential candidacy for the 1950 elections. On 18 April 1950, Goulart launched Vargas's candidacy for president and, in the next day, a birthday party was held for the former president at Granja São Vicente, In 1950, Goulart was elected to the Chamber of Deputies. He received 39,832 votes, second-most in the PTB in Rio Grande do Sul, and took office as a deputy in February 1951. He soon became secretary of the interior and a justice in the administration of Governor Ernesto Dornelles. During his time as secretary, which lasted until 7 March 1952, Goulart restructured the prison system to improve the living conditions of prisoners. He later resigned his job as secretary, at the request of Vargas, to help the president with a political deadlock at the ministry of labor, using his influence on the labor-union movement. Minister of Labor In 1953, after becoming aggravated with the deadlock, Vargas appointed Goulart minister of labor. the workers, unsatisfied with their low wages, were promoting strikes, and the right-wing party National Democratic Union (União Democrática Nacional – UDN) was mobilizing a coup d'état among the mass media, the upper-middle class, and the military forces. As he took office, Goulart replied to accusations from several newspapers, including The New York Times. As minister of labor, Goulart held the first Brazilian Congress of Social Security. He signed a series of decrees favoring social security, such as housing financing, regulation of loans by the Institute of Retirement and Pensions of Bank Employees (Instituto de Aposentadoria e Pensões dos Bancários – IAPB), and recognizing the employees of the Audit Committee of the Institute of Retirement and Pensions of Industry Employees (Conselho Fiscal do Instituto de Aposentadoria e Pensões dos Industriários). In his time in the ministry, as witnessed by Hugo de Faria, João Goulart was willing to wear out his prestige with the Minister of Finance in defense of the working class. Goulart was willing to take money out of his own pocket to help anyone who asked for help, but he was " half greedy" with the public money, as his minister-administrative, Hugo de Faria, said, and elected Hugo de Faria to participate in the formalities in his place - Hugo considered him one of the "most patient men in the world" in his dealings with the general public and according to historian Jorge Ferreira: "The minister soon became known for his sincere way of not discriminating against people." The way he received "workers, unionists and ordinary people" in his office shocked the conservative civil and military sectors, in something that mixed so much class and ethnic prejudice. As a minister, he also opted for negotiations between strikers and bosses, rather than repressive methods. In late 1953, Goulart began studies for review of the minimum wage, facing two types of pressure: the mobilization of workers in larger cities to claim a readjustment of 100% that would increase the minimum wage from ₢$1,200 to ₢$2,400, and entrepreneurs' refusal to review the policy since the Eurico Gaspar Dutra administration, which allegedly contributed to the impoverishment of several segments of the Brazilian society. The business community said that it would agree to a 42% raise in the minimum wage to match the cost of living in 1951. On May Day, Vargas signed the new minimum wage into law, which was a 100% increase as demanded by the working class. On 22 February 1954, Goulart handed his resignation letter to President Vargas, and Vargas named Hugo de Faria to succeed him in an interim manner, and resumed his term as a federal deputy, as a result of the strong reaction of the media and military against the new minimum wage. The political crisis of the Vargas administration deepened after one of his bodyguards was involved in an assassination attempt against UDN leader Carlos Lacerda on 5 August 1954. Vargas was put under pressure by the media, which demanded his resignation. On the early morning of 24 August 1954, Vargas called Goulart to Catete Palace and handed him a document to be read only after he arrived back in Rio Grande do Sul. It was his suicide letter Carta Testamento. Between Vargas and the Vice Presidency Decision to proceed After the suicide of Vargas, from whom he received a copy of the Carta Testamento, Goulart became very depressed, thought about moving away from politics and, according to Maria Thereza, it took him two months to recover from the shock, after retreating to his resort in São Borja and taking care of business. At Vargas' funeral, Goulart declared that "We, within order and law, will know how to fight with patriotism and dignity, inspired by the example you bequeathed to us". In October, Goulart participated in the legislative elections, but was defeated. This generation led by Goulart turned the PTB into a party of "reformist features", in a direction that came to radicalize until 1964. In order to gain power as President of the PTB, Goulart began to concentrate in the National Directory people loyal to him, thus transforming the PTB into one of the parties "most undemocratic and centralized in the Brazilian political framework," in the words of historian Jorge Ferreira. However, Goulart helped the party have a more consistent political and ideological profile. 1955 elections and wedding Willing to hold elections in October 1955, President Café Filho tried to present, after a military suggestion, a "national union" candidate. In response to conservative groups, the PSD put forward Juscelino Kubitschek as a presidential candidate. Goulart's candidacy for the vice presidency caused controversy in conservative groups such as the Armed Forces, a feeling that increased after the General Secretary of the Brazilian Communist Party Luís Carlos Prestes voiced his support. In April 1955 the party agreement was approved. Within the PTB there was disapproval of Goulart's control and fear that the coalition would provoke a military coup, but Goulart succeeded in dialogue among parties, doing things like demanding federal positions for sectors of the PTB. Civil and military groups preached the coup. A large part of the media in Rio de Janeiro positioned itself on legality and the Minister of War, General Henrique Teixeira Lott, sought to keep the Armed Forces out of the crisis. while Aeronautics began helping Kubitschek and Goulart with the campaign. The civil ceremony took place on 14 May 1955, but it was by proxy, as a storm prevented Goulart's plane from arriving. Four days later the religious wedding took place, followed by a short honeymoon due to the campaign. In the same year, Carlos Lacerda, in Congress, denounced Goulart, saying that Goulart was stockpiling weapons. However, an investigation showed that the weapons were stolen by an army officer and passed on to Lacerda. Despite the demonstrations against him, Kubitschek was elected president of Brazil with 37% of the votes on 3 October, Following this, the UDN began to fight against their inauguration. However, following the discipline, Lott punished Euclides for this act. In November 1955, President Café Filho, due to a heart crisis, was replaced by Carlos Luz, who was close to conservative groups interested in the coup. Luz and 11 other people then went to Santos on the Tamandaré cruiser in order to establish the government there. There were no punishments and Luz was impeached. Vice-President JK–Jango on 31 January 1956. At the inauguration, Kubitschek, after receiving the banner and greeting the people, ordered the gates to be opened. Goulart and Kubitschek had a similar tact in contact with the humble people, but he went back, and as Hugo de Faria said, Goulart didn't want to run for president. However, due to this contact, conservative groups accused him of being a strike promoter. As vice-president, Goulart was also President of the Federal Senate of Brazil, in accordance with the 1946 Constitution. In the JK Government, the PTB occupied the ministries of Labor, Agriculture and Goulart nominated the first level of Social Security. As a result of the countercoup, in March 1956 the Frente de Novembro was founded by Colonel Canabarro Lucas, with legalist, nationalist, and left-wing military personnel, led by Lott (declared anti-communist) and with Vice-President João Goulart as "President of Honor". After his visit to the United States, he went, with his wife, to Canada and unofficially to Europe, Mexico, and Uruguay. In July 1956, he assumed the interim presidency of the Republic due to a trip by Kubitschek to Panama and left that position with his return on the 27th. that ended nowhere. Economically Goulart was in favor of avoiding US dependence on foreign trade. Within the PTB, several members were expelled due to their criticism. Due to functional precariousness, subordinates in the Armed Forces began to approach the trade unions. Despite the conservative officiality, Despite being in power, the PTB acted as the opposition, voicing open criticism of the government. During this time João Vicente and Denise were born. Despite his position, Goulart had no bodyguard. However, with the birth of his children, he became an active and loving father, and improved his relationship with Maria Thereza, which according to her, was when he assumed an active role as a husband. However, Goulart had several extramarital affairs. One year after the preventive coup, Goulart participated in the tributes to General Lott, who received a golden sword. By not allowing other officers to make political statements, Lott caused a crisis that ended with Kubitschek putting both the Frente de Novembro and the Clube da Lanterna into illegality. In 1959, commercial relations with the USSR were resumed due to the expansion of African coffee. At the end of the government, the economy became unstable and in the difficulty of implementing measures that would help the poorest sectors of the population, Goulart began to believe that the 1946 Constitution no longer represented social reality. In the same year, discussions on candidacies for the next elections began. Kubitschek planned to introduce Juracy Magalhães as a candidate, planning to return after five years, In February 1959, but Goulart considered him to be a weak candidate. However, in February 1960, the PTB homologated Marshal Lott's candidacy, with Goulart as Vice-President. For researcher Maria Celina D'Araujo, the PTB "sought a militarized democracy, through the alliance of military units, union and party..." Due to Lott's electoral weakness, the informal candidacy "Jan-Jan", or "Jânio-Jango", appeared. Due to Quadros's threats to give up the candidacy and rumors that Brizola would stage a coup d'état, Brazilian Air Force rebels attempted a military coup in what became known as the Aragarças Revolt, which did not get adhesions and the officers went into exile abroad. As expected, the "Jan-Jan" ticket won. Jan-Jan Quadros inherited a bankrupt country and in the inauguration ceremony, with his formalism, tried to mark his distance from the vice president. Quadros created a conservative ministry composed of military personnel, made moral prohibitions – such as banning the wearing of bikinis on television – and in foreign policy sought to be independent, which caused sympathy from the left. The PTB came to take its side of opposition and left, also approaching the PCB and due to criticism on the right and left, along with dissatisfaction with the investigations, Quadros became more and more isolated in the National Congress. The Goulart family came to live at Granja do Torto in the recently inaugurated, but still incomplete, Brasília. In December 1960, accompanied by his advisor, journalist Raul Riff, he visited Czechoslovakia. StB (Czech intelligence) kept itself informed in detail about his government. Visit to China Despite reservations, Goulart accepted the invitation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Afonso Arinos to head a trade mission to China in July 1961. and Yuri Gagarin. In Beijing, among other things, Goulart spoke "for the daily increase of friendship between the Brazilian and Chinese people". On his last day in the capital, Mao Tse-tung visited him at the Beijing Hotel to say goodbye, an unprecedented act. Quadros resignation Quadros resigned hoping that his vice-president, who was aligned with the left, would not be accepted, and that in turn Quadros would remain in power. President of Chamber of Deputies Ranieri Mazzilli took interim office as Brazilian President and read to Congress a communiqué from military ministers in which they said Goulart would be arrested if he returned to Brazil. Due to the time zone, Goulart knew about the resignation in the early hours of 26 August. Marshal Lott, speaking in favor of the law, was arrested-as were also several officers of the Three Forces. On the morning of the 26th, "the country dawned in an unofficial state of siege", according to Jorge Ferreira. and the next day there was the risk of bombing. Brizola made a transmission announcing the visit of the commander of the III Army Machado Lopes. The military started to search airplanes throughout the country in search of Goulart. In Paris, on 28 August, Goulart's public statements were superficial, as he knew little about the situation in Brazil, but with the arrival of Congressman Carlos Jereissati, he decided to delay his return, sensing a civil war. By telephone, San Tiago Dantas spoke of the "possibility of the collapse of the democratic regime in Brazil" and Kubitschek gave the idea of parliamentarianism, which Goulart accepted as a non-violent option. In reprisal, Odílio Denys dismissed him from command. On the 28th, Goulart was still in Paris receiving news. On 29 August, Goulart embarked from Paris to New York and on the same day the National Congress rejected his impeachment. From there, he boarded a DC-3 to Montevideo. There, keeping with Brizola's plan, there was a plane with national and international journalists to prevent the army from taking him down. On the 31st, the risk of civil war increased, as soldiers from all over the country stood by the law and there was a risk of conflict between the forces of Brizola and the government. At Canoas Air Base Since the resignation of Quadros, the police have reacted violently against demonstrators, In the Chamber of Deputies, deputy Adauto Lúcio Cardoso spoke in favor of impeachment of Mazilli and military ministers for crime of responsibility. On 1 September, Tancredo Neves and others went to Uruguay to meet with Goulart, who kept Brizola and Lopes updated on what they discussed. According to Tancredo Neves, Goulart had resistance to parliamentarianism, but ended up accepting due to the risk of deaths. Despite the desire of the population, he did not speak to the people and men from the press had resistance against the idea of accepting parliamentarianism, and the people became stressed. Groups of FAB officers planned Operation Mosquito, which was not carried out, as an attempt to kill Goulart. The plane that transported Goulart to Brasília flew at 11,100 meters of altitude, thus being out of range of the fighters. ==The Goulart administration==

during a visit to the United States in April 1962. In his inauguration speech, he called for "unity, democracy and reform". Goulart took over the country in a military crisis, external and internal debts and powerless to carry out his reformist projects, but having a majority in the National Congress, he hoped to be successful on the basis of agreements, besides showing the unfeasibility of the new system of government. The first cabinet, called "National Conciliation", was appointed on 8 September and with Tancredo Neves as prime minister. Brochado da Rocha had his appointment as prime minister approved by Congress on 10 July. Brochado resigned and Hermes Lima was sworn in on 19 September 1962. During this period, Goulart and his prime minister chose the three-year plan as the economic plan of his government under the advisement of Celso Furtado, his minister of planning. In order to strengthen the energy sector and to foster Brazilian development, Eletrobrás, Latin America's largest power utility company, was created in 1962. As part of the compromise that installed a parliamentary system of government in 1961, a plebiscite was set for 1963 to confirm or reverse the changes made to the constitution. The parliamentary system of government was overwhelmingly rejected in the referendum, and Goulart assumed full presidential powers. The presidential government of Goulart initiated in 1963 was marked politically by the administration's closer ties to center-left political groups, and conflict with more conservative sectors of the society, specifically the National Democratic Union. Goulart also led Brazil in the drive for a nuclear-free Latin America, providing the impetus for the Five Presidents' Declaration and the Treaty of Tlatelolco. Brazil's leadership on nuclear disarmament was a casualty of the military coup, and Mexico eventually stepped in to continue to drive for a nuclear-free region. for Goulart in New York City, 1962. Basic reforms Goulart's Basic Reforms plan (Reformas de Base) was a group of social and economic measures of nationalist character that ushered in a greater state intervention in the economy. Among the reforms were: • Education reform to combat adult illiteracy, with the widespread use of the pioneering teachings and method of Paulo Freire. The government also proposed to hold a university reform and prohibited the operation of private schools. Fifteen percent of Brazil's income would be directed to education. • Tax reform to control the transfer of profits by multinational companies with headquarters abroad, instead reinvesting profits in Brazil. The income tax would be proportional to personal profit. • Electoral reform to extend voting rights to illiterate people and low-ranking military officers. • Land reform to expropriate and redistribute non-productive properties larger than 600 hectares to the population. At that time, the agricultural population was larger than the urban population. Cuba, 1962 With the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kennedy sent a letter to Goulart proposing the participation of the Brazilian military in the possible invasion of the island. In response, Goulart demonstrated that he opposed this plan and instead supported the self-determination of the peoples. With this position, Kennedy began to develop a personal hostility against Goulart and began to believe that the Brazilian president was a threat to the security of the United States. ==The 1964 military coup==

during the 13 March 1964 speech In the early hours of 31 March 1964, General Olímpio Mourão Filho, in charge of the 4th Military Region, headquartered in Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, ordered his troops to start moving toward Rio de Janeiro to depose Goulart. On 1 April, at 12:45 p.m., João Goulart left Rio for the capital, Brasília, in an attempt to stop the coup politically. When he reached Brasília, Goulart realized that he lacked any political support. The Senate president, Auro de Moura Andrade, was already calling for congressional support of the coup. Goulart stayed for a short time in Brasília, gathering his wife and two children, and flying to Porto Alegre in an Air Force Avro 748 aircraft. Soon after Goulart's plane took off, Auro de Moura Andrade declared the position of President of Brazil "vacant". In the first hours of 2 April, Auro de Moura Andrade, along with the president of the Supreme Federal Court, swore in Pascoal Ranieri Mazzilli, the speaker of the house, as president. This move was arguably unconstitutional at the time, as João Goulart was still in the country. At the same time, Goulart, now in the headquarters of the 3rd Army in Porto Alegre, still loyal to him at the time, contemplated resistance and counter-moves with Leonel Brizola, who argued for armed resistance. In the morning, General Floriano Machado informed the president that troops loyal to the coup were moving from Curitiba to Porto Alegre and that he had to leave the country, otherwise risking arrest. At 11:45 am, Goulart boarded a Douglas C-47 transport for his farm bordering Uruguay. Goulart would stay on his farmland until 4 April, when he finally boarded the plane for the last time, heading for Montevideo. The coup installed successive right-wing hardliners as heads of state who suspended civil rights and liberties of the Brazilian people. They abolished all political parties and replaced them with only two, the military government's party called the National Renewal Alliance Party (Aliança Renovadora Nacional – ARENA) and the consented opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement (Movimento Democrático Brasileiro – MDB). The MDB, however, had no real power, and the military rule was marked by widespread disappearance, torture, and exile of many politicians, university students, writers, singers, painters, filmmakers, and other artists. President João Goulart was not favorably viewed in Washington. He took an independent stance in foreign policy, resuming relations with socialist countries and opposing sanctions against Cuba; his administration passed a law limiting the amount of profits multinationals could transmit outside the country; a subsidiary of ITT was nationalized; he promoted economic and social reforms. Lincoln Gordon served as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil (1961–1966), where he played a major role for the support of the opposition against the government of President João Goulart and during the 1964 Brazilian ''coup d'état''. On 27 March 1964, he wrote a top secret cable to the US government, urging it to support the coup of Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco with a "clandestine delivery of arms" and shipments of gas and oil, to possibly be supplemented by CIA covert operations. Gordon believed that Goulart, wanting to "seize dictatorial power", was working with the Brazilian Communist Party. Gordon wrote: "If our influence is to be brought to bear to help avert a major disaster here--which might make Brazil the China of the 1960s--this is where both I and all my senior advisors believe our support should be placed." In the years after the coup, Gordon, Gordon's staff, and the CIA repeatedly denied that they had been involved, and President Lyndon B. Johnson praised Gordon's service in Brazil as "a rare combination of experience and scholarship, idealism and practical judgment." In 1976, Gordon stated that the Johnson Administration "had been prepared to intervene militarily to prevent a leftist takeover of the government," but did not directly state that it had or had not intervened. Circa 2004 many documents were declassified and placed online at the GWU National Security Archive, indicating the involvement of Johnson, McNamara, Gordon, and others. In 2005, Stansfield Turner's book described the involvement of ITT Corporation president Harold Geneen and CIA Director John McCone. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy was uneasy about Goulart allowing "communists" to hold positions in government agencies. US President Lyndon Johnson and his Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara were also worried. The president of ITT, Harold Geneen, was a friend of the Director of Central Intelligence, John McCone. Between 1961 and 1964, It has also been acknowledged that the Kennedy Administration was the architect of a potential coup and that President Johnson inherited plans for it. US President John F. Kennedy had discussed options on how to deal with Goulart with Gordon and his chief Latin America advisor Richard N. Goodwin in July 1962 and determined in December 1962 that the coup was necessary in order to advance US interests. ==Life in exile==

On 4 April 1964, Goulart and his family landed in Uruguay seeking political asylum. After his first years in Montevideo, he bought a farm on the Uruguay-Brazil border, where he devoted himself to farming cattle. In 1966 he took part in the Frente Ampla (Broad Front) political movement, which aimed to fully restore democratic rule in Brazil through peaceful means. The end of Frente Ampla also resulted in the end of Goulart's political activity. He decided to focus on managing his farms located in Uruguay, Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil. In late 1973, Argentine president Juan Domingo Perón invited Goulart to live in Buenos Aires and asked him to collaborate on a plan to expand Argentine meat exports to Europe and other markets that would not traditionally buy the Argentine commodity. However, Perón's minister of social welfare and private secretary José López Rega opposed the designation. Nevertheless, Goulart decided to stay in Buenos Aires. In March 1976 in the town of La Plata, the Argentine Army dismantled a group of right-wing terrorists planning to kidnap Goulart's son and demand a high ransom in cash. With his personal security compromised, the former president distanced himself from Buenos Aires. This experience led Goulart to arrange new steps for his safe return to Brazil. However, this was delayed because of upcoming elections. ==Death==

On 6 December 1976, Goulart died in his apartment La Villa, in the Argentine municipality of Mercedes, province of Corrientes, supposedly of a heart attack. Since Goulart's body was not submitted to an autopsy, the cause of his death is unconfirmed. Around 30,000 people attended his funeral service, which was censored from press coverage by the military dictatorship. On 26 April 2000, the former governor of Rio Grande do Sul and Rio de Janeiro, Leonel Brizola, said that former presidents Goulart and Kubitschek were assassinated as part of Operation Condor and requested investigations into their deaths. almost 40 years after his death, 14 November 2013. On 27 January 2008, the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo printed a story with a statement from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former intelligence service member under Uruguay's dictatorship. Barreiro said that Goulart was poisoned, confirming Brizola's allegations. Barreiro also said that the order to assassinate Goulart came from Sérgio Paranhos Fleury, head of the Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (Department of Political and Social Order), and the license to kill came from president Ernesto Geisel. In July 2008, a special commission of the legislative assembly of Rio Grande do Sul, Goulart's home state, concluded that "the evidence that Jango was willfully assassinated, with knowledge of the Geisel government, is strong." In March 2009, the magazine CartaCapital published previously unreleased documents of the National Intelligence Service, created by an undercover agent who was present at Goulart's properties in Uruguay. This revelation reinforces the theory that the former president was poisoned. The Goulart family has not yet identified who could be the "B Agent" that is mentioned in the documents. The agent acted as a close friend to Goulart and described in detail an argument during the former president's 56th birthday party with his son stemming from a fight between two employees. As a result of the story, the Human Rights Commission of the Chamber of Deputies decided to investigate Goulart's death. Later, CartaCapital published an interview with Goulart's widow, Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart, who revealed documents from the Uruguayan government that documented her complaints that her family was being monitored. The Uruguayan government was monitoring Goulart's travel and his business and political activities. These files were from 1965, a year after the coup in Brazil, and suggest that he could have been deliberately attacked. The Movement for Justice and Human Rights and the President João Goulart Institute have requested a document in which the Uruguayan interior ministry said that "serious and responsible Brazilian sources" talked about an "alleged plot against the former Brazilian president." ==Political views==

Afro-Brazilians Close interactions with the poor, especially poor Afro-Brazilians, was normal behavior for the young Goulart. The main leader of his Carnival block Comigo Ninguém Pode, mãe-de-santo Jorgina Vieira, said in an interview with the newspaper Zero Hora that Goulart was one of the only white boys in São Borja to be a member of the block. At a particular Carnival celebration in the 1940s, he broke high society rules and led the block inside the aristocratic Clube Comercial, which would not allow blacks in their halls until the late 1960s. ==Tributes and amnesty==

In 1984, exactly twenty years after the coup, filmmaker Sílvio Tendler directed a documentary chronicling Goulart's political career through archive footage and interviews with influential politicians. Jango was viewed in theaters by over half a million people, becoming the sixth-largest grossing Brazilian documentary. It was critically acclaimed, receiving three awards at the Gramado Film Festival and one at the Havana Film Festival, as well as the Silver Daisy, given by the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil). There are at least ten schools throughout Brazil named after Goulart. Most are located on Rio Grande do Sul, in the municipalities of Alvorada, Ijuí, Novo Hamburgo, Porto Alegre, Viamão, and in Goulart's native São Borja. There are three schools named after Goulart in Rio de Janeiro, Balneário Camboriú and Santa Catarina, and another in São João de Meriti in Rio de Janeiro. On 6 December 2007, exactly 31 years after Goulart's death, a monument was erected in Balneário Camboriú depicting Goulart sitting on a bench on the Avenida Atlântica (in front of the Atlantic Ocean) with his two children. It was designed by artist Jorge Schroder upon the request of mayor Rubens Spernau. On 28 June 2008, the Avenida Presidente João Goulart (President João Goulart Avenue) in Osasco was inaugurated in São Paulo. The boulevard is about 760 meters long and is the first of the city with a bicycle path. Other cities, such as Canoas, Caxias do Sul, Cuiabá, Lages, Pelotas, Porto Alegre, Porto Velho, Ribeirão Preto, Rio de Janeiro, Rondonópolis, São Borja, São Leopoldo, São Paulo, and Sobral already have roads honoring Goulart. On 15 November 2008, Goulart and his widow Maria Thereza received political amnesty from the federal government at the 20th National Congress of Lawyers in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte. The former First Lady received restitution of R$ 644,000 (around US$322,000) to be paid in pensions of R$5,425 (around US$2,712) per month for Goulart having been prohibited from practicing as a lawyer. She also received restitution of R$100,000 (around US$50,000) for the 15 years when her family was forbidden to return to Brazil. == Goulart family vs USA ==