Consolidation of power The first sign of consolidation of power came, when Muhyi Abd al-Hussein Mashhadi, the secretary-general of the Ba'ath Party, was replaced by someone closer to Saddam. Many officers during al-Bakr's time were removed. Saddam claimed to have found a
fifth column within the ruling party and directed
Muhyi Abdul-Hussein to read out a confession and the names of 68 alleged co-conspirators. A second round of purges took place in June 1982, when half of the sixteen RCC members who had survived the 1979 "countercoup" were removed from power. Large number of Shias were removed from the regime. Later the government invited back Shias to hold posts within the government, to gain support. Under Saddam's administration, senior government, military, and security roles were predominantly filled by Arab Sunni Muslims, a minority that made up about a
fifth of the population. While key security posts were often reserved for close relatives, he also appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions and as representatives based on loyalty to his regime.
Paramilitary and police organizations Iraq faced the prospect of régime change from two Shia factions —
Dawa and
SCIRI which aspired to model Iraq on its neighbour Iran as a
Shia theocracy. A separate threat to Iraq came from parts of the ethnic Kurdish population of
northern Iraq which opposed being part of an Iraqi state and favored independence, an ongoing ideology which had preceded Ba'ath Party rule. Membership in the Ba'ath Party remained open to all Iraqi citizens regardless of background, and repressive measures were taken against its opponents. The major instruments for accomplishing this control were the paramilitary and police organizations. Beginning in 1974,
Taha Yassin Ramadan, a close associate of Saddam, commanded the
Popular Army, which had responsibility for internal security. As the Ba'ath Party's paramilitary, the People's Army acted as a counterweight against any coup attempts by the regular armed forces. In addition to the People's Army, the Department of General Intelligence was the most notorious arm of the state-security system, feared for its use of
torture and assassination.
Barzan Ibrahim al-Tikriti, Saddam's younger
half-brother, commanded Mukhabarat. Foreign observers believed that from 1982 this department operated both at home and abroad in its mission to seek out and eliminate Saddam's perceived opponents. Saddam was notable for using terror against his own people.
The Economist described Saddam as "one of the last of the 20th century's great dictators, but not the least in terms of egotism, or cruelty, or morbid will to power." and committed
war crimes in Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia.
Human Rights Watch and
Amnesty International issued regular reports of widespread
imprisonment and torture. Conversely, Saddam used Iraq's oil wealth to develop an extensive
patronage system for the regime's supporters. Although Saddam is often described as a
totalitarian leader, Joseph Sassoon notes that there are important differences between Saddam's repression and the totalitarianism practiced by
Adolf Hitler and
Joseph Stalin, particularly with regard to
freedom of movement and
freedom of religion. The
Iran–Iraq War devastated Iraq's economy, causing an estimated US$120 billion in damages and leaving the country with around $90 billion in debt, including approximately $40 billion owed to
Saudi Arabia and
Kuwait alone. Following the
Gulf War and the
imposition of UN sanctions in the 1990s, the Iraqi economy had sharply declined, and the system increasingly shifted toward
crony capitalism. Saddam implemented a national infrastructure campaign that made progress in building roads, promoting mining, and developing other industries. He established one hospital, specially for treatment of children with
Cerebral palsy. Saddam's government also underwent a large campaign to beautify Baghdad by erecting statues and monuments. The government also supported families of soldiers, granted
free hospitalization to everyone, and gave
subsidies to farmers. Saddam established and controlled the "National Campaign for the Eradication of Illiteracy" and the campaign for "Compulsory Free Education in Iraq," and largely under his auspices, the government established universal free schooling up to the highest education levels and hundreds of thousands learned to read in the years following the initiation of the program. Women were strongly encouraged to pursue education and join the workforce, and many rose to high-ranking positions in government, medicine, and academia. The
Ba'ath Party is also known to have "popularized women's education" during their rule, leading Iraq to achieve one of the highest female literacy rates among
Muslim-majority countries at the time. Saddam's government passed labor and employment laws that guaranteed equal pay, six months of fully paid maternity leave, and legal protections against sexual harassment. According to
PeaceWomen, the rights of female workers in
Ba'athist Iraq rivaled those of the
United States during the same period. By the late 1970s and into the 1980s, women in Iraq held significant roles in society, accounting for 46% of all teachers, 29% of doctors, 46% of dentists and 70% of pharmacists. Women also constituted 40% of the civil service at one point in the 1980s. Unlike other Arab or Muslim majority countries, women in Iraq played an important role in the society. According to a report in 1985 by
The New York Times: "Iraqi women, historically among the most emancipated in the Arab world, hold jobs in all the professions, dress as they please, vote and hold more than 10 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. At the University of Baghdad, 55 percent of the enrollment is female. Day care is provided by the state free of charge, and with the war, women have taken on more traditional men's jobs and now make up 25 percent of the entire work force." Early in his presidency, Hussein donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to a church in Detroit and received a key to the city. In the aftermath of the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the fall of Saddam's government, Iraqi authorities initiated efforts to identify and repatriate assets believed to have been transferred abroad during his rule. In 2007, the Iraqi government formally requested assistance from France in locating funds allegedly deposited in French financial institutions. Saddam once owned a trust fund known as Montana Management, which had a 2% holding in
Lagardère Group; however all of its holdings—including its $90 million stake—were frozen following the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
Iran–Iraq War: 1980–1988 Background , the leader of
People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran, 1987 In early 1979, Iran's Shah
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's
Pahlavi dynasty were overthrown by the
Islamic Revolution, thus giving way to an Islamic republic led by Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini. The influence of revolutionary Shia Islam grew apace in the region, particularly in countries with large Shia populations, especially Iraq. Most Iraqi Shias, who comprised the majority of the Iraqi Armed Forces, chose their own country over their Shia Iranian coreligionists during the war that ensued. The outbreak of the
war in September 1980 was preceded by a long period of tension between the two countries throughout 1979 and 1980, including frequent border skirmishes, calls by Khomeini for the Shia Muslims in Iraq to revolt against the ruling Ba'ath Party, and allegations of Iraqi support for ethnic separatists in Iran. There were frequent clashes along the Iran–Iraq border throughout 1980, with Iraq publicly complaining of at least 544 incidents and Iran citing at least 797 violations of its border and airspace. On 1 April 1980, the
Islamic Dawa Party, an Iraqi Islamist group with supportive ties to Iran, attempted to assassinate
Tariq Aziz, Iraq's then deputy prime minister at the
University of Baghdad campus, in retaliation for a 30 March decree declaring "membership of Dawa [to be] a capital offense". On 30 April, Iraq organized
an attack on the Iranian embassy in London.
Warfare (1940–1989), the Defence Minister, being awarded by Saddam.
Iraq invaded Iran on 22 September 1980, first
launching airstrikes on numerous targets in Iran, including the
Mehrabad Airport of
Tehran, before occupying the oil-rich Iranian province of
Khuzestan, which also has a sizable
Arab minority. By 1982, Iraq was on the defensive and looking for ways to end the war.
Encyclopædia Britannica states: "Estimates of total casualties range from 1,000,000 to twice that number. Neither side had achieved what they had originally desired and the borders were left nearly unchanged. The campaign was in retaliation to Kurd's support for Iran and their rebellion. It considers the campaign as an act of genocide. The attack occurred in conjunction with the Anfal campaign designed to reassert central control of the mostly Kurdish population of areas of northern Iraq and defeat the Kurdish
peshmerga rebel forces. Following the incident, the
U.S. State Department took the official position that
Iran was partly to blame for the Halabja massacre. A study by the
Defense Intelligence Agency held Iran responsible for the attack, an assessment that was subsequently used by the
Central Intelligence Agency for much of the early 1990s. According to
Joost Hiltermann: "Analysis of thousands of captured Iraqi secret police documents and declassified U.S. government documents, as well as interviews with scores of Kurdish survivors, senior Iraqi defectors and retired U.S. intelligence officers, show (1) that Iraq carried out the attack on Halabja, and (2) that the United States, fully aware it was Iraq, accused Iran, Iraq's enemy in a fierce war, of being partly responsible for the attack." It initially refused to supply Iraq on the basis of neutrality in the conflict. In his memoirs, Mikhail Gorbachev claimed that Brezhnev initially refused to aid Saddam due to anger over the regime's treatment of Iraqi communists. In a U.S. bid to open full diplomatic relations with Iraq, the country was removed from the
U.S list of State Sponsors of Terrorism in February 1982. Ostensibly, this was because of improvement in the regime's record, although former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense Noel Koch later stated, "No one had any doubts about [the Iraqis'] continued involvement in
terrorism ... The real reason was to help them succeed in the war against Iran." Middle East special envoy
Donald Rumsfeld met Saddam on 19–20 December 1983 at Baghdad. After which, Saddam sent his deputy Aziz to visit the United States in 1984. He met with President
Ronald Reagan and then vice-president
George H. W. Bush at the
White House and secured further
U.S support for Iraq. While the U.S. supplied Iraq with arms, dual-use technology and economic aid, it was also involved in a covert and controversial illegal arms deal, providing sanctioned Iran with weaponry. Saddam reached out to other Arab governments for cash and political support during the war, particularly after Iraq's oil industry severely suffered at the hands of the
Iranian navy in the
Persian Gulf. The
United States government also supplied Iraq with "satellite photos showing Iranian deployments." This satellite imagery may have played a crucial role in blocking the
Iranian invasion of Iraq in 1982. However, Saddam's government later blamed the Iraqi defeat in the
First Battle of al-Faw in February 1986 on "misinformation from the U.S."
Gulf War: 1990–1991 Tensions with Kuwait: 1988–1990 The end of the war with Iran served to deepen latent tensions between Iraq and its wealthy neighbor Kuwait. Saddam urged the Kuwaitis to waive the Iraqi debt accumulated in the war, some $30 billion, but they refused. Saddam pushed oil-exporting countries to raise oil prices by cutting back production; Kuwait refused, then led the opposition in
OPEC to the cuts that Saddam had requested. Kuwait was pumping large amounts of oil, and thus keeping prices low, when Iraq needed to sell high-priced oil from its wells to pay off its huge debt. Saddam's Iraq became "the third-largest recipient of US assistance." Reacting to Western criticism in April 1990, Saddam threatened to destroy half of Israel if it moved against Iraq. In May 1990, he criticized US support for Israel warning that "the US cannot maintain such a policy while professing friendship towards the Arabs." In July 1990 he threatened force against Kuwait and the UAE saying "The policies of some Arab rulers are American ... They are inspired by America to undermine Arab interests and security." The US sent warplanes and combat ships to the Persian Gulf in response to these threats.
April Glaspie calls upon Saddam for an emergency meeting. On 25 July 1990, Saddam summoned the US ambassador to Iraq,
April Glaspie, for an emergency meeting where the Iraqi leader attacked American policy with regards to Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. During the meeting, Glaspie stated that "we have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait," which was interpreted as tacit approval for the invasion of Kuwait. Saddam stated that he would attempt last-ditch negotiations with the Kuwaitis but Iraq "would not accept death." Later, Iraq and Kuwait met for a final negotiation session, which failed. Saddam then sent his troops into Kuwait.
Invasion of Kuwait , Prime Minister of Kuwait
Provisional Free Government for unification talks in Baghdad, 1990 On 2 August 1990, Saddam invaded Kuwait, initially claiming assistance to "Kuwaiti revolutionaries", thus sparking an international crisis. On 4 August an Iraqi-backed "
Provisional Government of Free Kuwait" was proclaimed, but a total lack of legitimacy and support for it led to an 8 August announcement of a "merger" of the two countries. On 28 August Kuwait formally became the
19th Governorate of Iraq. Just two years after the 1988 Iraq and Iran truce, "Saddam did what his Gulf patrons had earlier paid him to prevent." Having removed the threat of Iranian fundamentalism he "overran Kuwait and confronted his Gulf neighbors in the name of Arab nationalism and Islam." When later asked why he invaded Kuwait, Saddam first claimed that it was because Kuwait was rightfully Iraq's 19th
province and then said "When I get something into my head I act. That's just the way I am." Shortly before he invaded Kuwait, Saddam shipped 100 new
Mercedes cars 200 Series cars to top editors in Egypt and Jordan. Two days before the first attacks, Saddam reportedly offered Egypt's
Hosni Mubarak $50 million in cash, "ostensibly for grain."
George H. W. Bush responded cautiously for the first several days. On the other hand, Washington foreign policymakers, along with Middle East experts, military critics, and firms heavily invested in the region, were extremely concerned with stability in this region. The invasion immediately triggered fears that the world's
price of oil, and therefore control of the world economy, was at stake.
Yasser Arafat supported Saddam during the war. During the period of negotiations and threats following the invasion, Saddam focused renewed attention on the
Palestinian problem by promising to withdraw his forces from Kuwait if Israel would relinquish its occupation over
Palestine and the
Syrian Golan Heights. On 6 March 1991, Bush announced "What is at stake is more than one small country, it is a big idea—a
new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind: peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law." In the end, the Iraqi army proved unable to compete on the battlefield with the highly mobile coalition land forces and their overpowering air support. In the aftermath of the fighting, social and ethnic unrest among Shia Muslims, Kurds, and dissident military units threatened the stability of Saddam's government. Under the campaign, numerous mosques and Islamic institutes were built across Iraq. Economic hardship followed within the country as GDP plummeted from US$44.36 billion in 1990 to US$9 billion by 1995. Iraq had lost around US$170 billion of oil revenues. On 9 December 1996, Saddam's government accepted the
Oil-for-Food Programme that the UN had first offered in 1992. amid "a decade-long effort to encourage a military coup in Iraq." By the end of the 1990s, diplomatic isolation of Iraq with Arab states was gradually dissipating, and the economy of Iraq had improved by 2000, with its GDP increasing to $23.73 billion. Saddam later decided to use
euros, instead of
U.S. dollars for Iraqi oil. Almost all of Iraq's oil exports under the Oil-for-food program were paid in euros since 2001. He appeared on television threatening to burn and destroy Israel. Amid the 1991 Gulf War, Iraq initiated a
missile campaign against Israel. Saddam maintained close relations with Palestinian leaders such as
Yasser Arafat. He supposedly offered that Iraq will end its anti-Israel foreign policy if the issue of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon was resolved. Following the outbreak of the
Second Intifada in the
Palestinian territories, Saddam openly expressed solidarity with the Palestinians, and established the
Jerusalem Army, a volunteer force in solidarity with the Palestinians. Saddam also provided financial assistance from Iraq's oil revenue, to the families of the Palestinian victims and militants. Contrary to the claims of the United States and the Israel, the financial support was not exclusively used to support suicide bombing. In 2001, Saddam declared on the state Iraqi television: In 2002, following
Israeli incursions into Palestinian territory, Saddam stopped supplying oil to Western countries in order to force Israel to abandon its incursions, a move supported by
Iran and
Libya. == 2003 invasion and war ==