noaidi with his drum
Cognitive and evolutionary approaches There are two major frameworks among cognitive and evolutionary scientists for explaining shamanism. The first, proposed by anthropologist Michael Winkelman, is known as the "neurotheological theory". According to Winkelman, shamanism develops reliably in human societies because it provides valuable benefits to the practitioner, their group, and individual clients. In particular, the trance states induced by dancing, hallucinogens, and other triggers are hypothesized to have an "integrative" effect on cognition, allowing communication among mental systems that specialize in
theory of mind, social intelligence, and natural history. With this cognitive integration, the shaman can better predict the movement of animals, resolve group conflicts, plan migrations, and provide other useful services. The neurotheological theory contrasts with the "by-product" or "subjective" model of shamanism developed by anthropologist
Manvir Singh. According to Singh, shamanism is a cultural technology that adapts to (or hacks) our psychological biases to convince us that a specialist can influence important but uncontrollable outcomes. Citing work on
the psychology of magic and
superstition, Singh argues that humans search for ways of influencing uncertain events, such as healing illness, controlling rain, or attracting animals. As specialists compete to help their clients control these outcomes, they drive the evolution of psychologically compelling magic, producing traditions adapted to people's cognitive biases. Shamanism, Singh argues, is the culmination of this cultural evolutionary process—a psychologically appealing method for controlling uncertainty. For example, some shamanic practices exploit our intuitions about humanness: Practitioners use trance and dramatic initiations to seemingly become entities distinct from normal humans and thus more apparently capable of interacting with the invisible forces believed to oversee important outcomes. Influential cognitive and anthropological scientists, such as
Pascal Boyer and
Nicholas Humphrey, have endorsed Singh's approach, although other researchers have criticized Singh's dismissal of individual- and group-level benefits.
Ecological approaches and systems theory Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff relates these concepts to developments in the ways that modern science (systems theory, ecology, new approaches in anthropology and archeology) treats
causality in a less linear fashion. He also suggests a cooperation of modern science and Indigenous lore.
Historical origins Some scholars suggest that shamanic practices may originate as early as the
Paleolithic, predating all organized religions, and at least as early as the
Neolithic period. One influential but debated theory proposed by Sanskrit scholar and comparative mythologist
Michael Witzel suggests that all of the world's mythologies, and also the concepts and practices of shamans, can be traced to the migrations of two prehistoric populations: the "
Gondwana" type (of circa 65,000 years ago) and the "
Laurasian" type (of circa 40,000 years ago). In November 2008, researchers from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem announced the discovery of a 12,000-year-old site in
Israel that is perceived as one of the earliest-known shaman burials. The elderly woman had been arranged on her side, with her legs apart and folded inward at the knee. Ten large stones were placed on the head, pelvis, and arms. Among her unusual
grave goods were 50 complete tortoise shells, a human foot, and certain body parts from animals such as a cow tail and eagle wings. Other animal remains came from a boar, leopard, and two martens. "It seems that the woman … was perceived as being in a close relationship with these animal spirits", the researchers wrote. The grave was one of at least 28 graves at the site, located in a cave in lower
Galilee and belonging to the
Natufian culture, but is said to be unlike any other among the Epipaleolithic Natufians or in the Paleolithic period.
Semiotic and hermeneutic approaches A debated etymology of the word "shaman" is "one who knows", implying, among other things, that the shaman is an expert in keeping together the multiple
codes of the society, and that to be effective, shamans must maintain a comprehensive view in their mind which gives them certainty of
knowledge. According to this view, the shaman uses (and the audience understands) multiple codes, expressing meanings in many ways: verbally, musically, artistically, and in dance. Meanings may be manifested in objects such as
amulets. If the shaman knows the culture of their community well, and acts accordingly, their audience will know the used symbols and meanings and therefore trust the shamanic worker. There are also
semiotic, theoretical approaches to shamanism, and examples of "mutually opposing symbols" in academic studies of Siberian lore, distinguishing a "white" shaman who contacts sky spirits for good aims by day, from a "black" shaman who contacts evil spirits for bad aims by night. (Series of such opposing symbols referred to a world-view behind them. Analogously to the way grammar arranges words to express meanings and convey a world, also this formed a cognitive map). Shaman's lore is rooted in the folklore of the community, which provides a "mythological mental map".
Juha Pentikäinen uses the concept "grammar of mind". Armin Geertz coined and introduced the
hermeneutics, or "ethnohermeneutics", Anthropologists Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Margaret Lock expand on this by introducing the idea of "the three bodies": the "individual body", relating to personal health experiences; the "social body", connecting health to social and cultural values; and the "body politic", reflecting the influence of power structures on health outcomes. According to anthropologist Donald Joralemon, the practice of medicine is inherently a social process, both in shamanistic societies and contemporary biomedicine. Joralemon argues that healing rituals, diagnoses, and treatments are deeply embedded in the cultural norms and social expectations of a community. This is particularly evident in shamanism, where the shaman addresses not only physical symptoms but also the spiritual and communal aspects of illness. The shaman's role is to restore harmony within the individual and the community, reinforcing the social bonds believed to influence health. Joralemon emphasizes that in both traditional and modern medical practices, disease is not merely a biological fact but a social phenomenon, shaped by the cultural and societal contexts in which it occurs . Where a Shaman is present within a community - the group determines whether an individual is true Shaman or not. The group also determines whether an individual is sick and doomed by sorcery, this is where a Shaman is given the role to dispel an illness. The Shaman does not become a great Shaman because they cure a person, it is because they are known by the group as great Shamans. Community members known as dreamers also listen in on private conversations to convey an individual's known sickness. According to Vine DeLoria, the American Indian shaman who couldn't heal, weren't the great ones: a
healer is a
medicine person, & that is a cut above a mere shaman. == Decline and revitalization and tradition-preserving movements ==