The Eastern Roman economy suffered less from the Barbarian raids that plagued the
Western Roman Empire. Under
Diocletian's reign, the
Eastern Roman Empire's annual revenue was at 9,400,000
solidi, out of a total of 18,000,000
solidi for the entire Roman Empire. These estimates can be compared to the AD 150 annual revenue of 14,500,000
solidi and the AD 215 of 22,000,000
solidi. By the end of
Marcian's reign, the annual revenue for the Eastern empire was 7,800,000
solidi, thus allowing him to amass about 100,000
pounds/45
tonnes of gold or 7,200,000
solidi for the imperial treasury. By Marcian's reign the Eastern Empire's difficulties seem to have been easing, and the population had probably begun growing for the first time in centuries. The period encompassing Anastasius' and the first half of Justinian's reign saw further economic expansion, with state revenues increasing and a decline in land abandonment and complaints of overtaxation. Such growth would also explain the other signs of public and private prosperity at the time, including Justinian's ability to undertake so many costly activities at once. The wealth of Constantinople can be seen by how
Justin I used pounds/1.66 tonnes of gold just for celebrating his own consulship. By the end of his reign,
Anastasius I had managed to collect for the treasury an amount of 23,000,000
solidi or 320,000 pounds/144 tonnes of gold. At the start of
Justinian I's reign, the Emperor had inherited a surplus from Anastasius I and Justin I. Before Justinian I's reconquests the state had an annual revenue of
solidi, which further increased after his reconquests in 550. Due to the empire's affluence, Justinian was able to undertake costly building projects. The church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople and the church of Saint John at Ephesus likely cost 1 million solidi each, and the Perpetual Peace with Persia cost 792,000 solidi.), as well as his wars of reconquest in Italy and North Africa, all of which greatly strained the royal treasury. In addition to these expenses, the rebuilding of
Hagia Sophia cost pounds/9 tonnes of gold. Subsidies to enemy states were also paid by Justinian's successors:
Justin II was forced to pay 80,000 silver coins to the
Avars for peace; his wife Sophia paid 45,000
solidi to
Khosrau I in return for a year's truce, and then
Tiberius II Constantine gave away pounds of gold each year for four years, on top of giving away the treasure of Narses and 1,000 centenaria to the poor (allegedly worth 100,000 pounds of gold). The East Roman Empire's aristocratic language of
Latin began to erode and give way to the native language of
Greek starting during the
Roman-Persian Great War of 602-628, the
solidus (plural:
solidi) would begin to also be known by its Greek name, the
nomisma (plural:
nomismata). For all of the financial difficulties the empire faced, the government kept its revenues at a remarkably high level under the circumstances and was able to pay their soldiers. The government would have been functioning at a high level of efficiency to handle its fiscal problems well and avoid financial collapse and bankruptcy. However, after the deposition of
Maurice and the ascension of
Phocas to the throne, the empire's financial situation worsened. During the final
Byzantine Sassanid War,
Egypt,
Syria and Byzantine Mesopotamia were lost to the Persians, and these territories must have made up more than half of the empire's total revenues.
Heraclius was able to avert bankruptcy through unprecedented borrowing from the church, substantially reducing state salaries and melting down statues in order to pay the empire's soldiers. Although Heraclius regained those territories following his victory in the war, the Arabs would conquer those territories a few years later. The
Byzantine-Arab Wars reduced the territory of the Empire to a third in the 7th century and the economy slumped; in 780 the Byzantine Empire's revenues were reduced to only
nomismata. The main reason for such a drastic decline in revenues was due to the conquest of Syria, Egypt and Africa by the Arab invaders. Additionally, most cities shrank, and the trade volume declined greatly. The revenues of the empire in the year 641 dropped to 3.7 million nomisma, and dropped further to 2 million nomisma during Constans II's reign. It was only from the 8th century onward the Empire's economy improved dramatically. This was a blessing for Byzantium in more than one way; the economy, the administration of gold coinage and the farming of the
Anatolian peninsula served to meet the military's constant demands. Since Byzantium was in a constant state of warfare with her neighbours (even if only by raiding) the military required weapons to be manufactured by the bigger cities (such as
Thessaloniki) whilst the smaller towns were subject to grain, wine and even biscuit requisitions by Imperial officers. Even though the soldiers' pay was minimal, large armies were a considerable strain on Byzantium. But soldiers were paid to serve in the army; they would in time spend the money acquiring their own goods. As a result, the Byzantine economy was self-sufficient, allowing it to thrive in the
Dark Ages. The success of the Byzantine army was in no small part due to the success of her economy. Around 775, the
land and
head taxes yielded an estimated 1,600,000
nomismata/7.2 tonnes of gold annually for the empire. Commerce during this period slumped, therefore only contributing 200,000
nomismata annually. The expenditures of the period were quite large when compared to the annual revenues. Approximately 600,000
nomismata went to the payroll of the army annually while other military costs took another 600,000
nomismata annually. Supporting the
Byzantine bureaucracy needed 400,000
nomismata. Also, imperial largess cost the treasury 100,000
nomismata every year. All of these expenses meant that the Byzantine government had only about 100,000
nomismata in surplus revenue each year for treaties, bribes, or gifts. Expenses again soared, when a massive
Muslim army invaded the empire in 806, forcing
Nikephoros I to pay a ransom of gold coins and a yearly tribute of gold coins. In order to impress the
Caliph of Baghdad,
Theophilos distributed 36,000 gold coins to the citizens of Baghdad, and in 838, he was forced to pay gold
dinars to the Caliph. The Byzantine economic recovery in the early 9th century can be seen by the fact that Emperor Theophilos was able to leave 7,000,000
nomismata/31.5 tonnes of gold in the imperial treasury for his successor in 842. After Theophilos' death his wife
Theodora II continued his successful policies and even increased the imperial reserves to 7,848,000
nomismata. Around 850, the land and head taxes yielded an estimated 2,900,000
nomismata annually for the empire. Commerce during this period increased dramatically, therefore contributing 400,000
nomismata annually. The expenditures of the period were large, but manageable by the treasury. Approximately 1,400,000
nomismata went to the payroll of the army annually while other military costs took another 800,000
nomismata annually. Supporting the Byzantine bureaucracy needed 500,000
nomismata. Also, imperial largess cost the treasury 100,000
nomismata every year. All of these expenses meant that the Byzantine government had about 500,000
nomismata in surplus revenue each year, much more than in the 8th century. However, under Basil I's prudent economic policies, the state quickly raised 4,300,000
nomismata, far more even than the empire's annual revenue of
nomismata. When
Liutprand of Cremona was sent as an ambassador to the Byzantine capital in the 940s, he was overwhelmed by the imperial residence, the luxurious meals, and acrobatic entertainment.
Sviatoslav I was paid pounds of gold by
Nikephoros II to invade
Bulgaria in 968.
John Tzimiskes received the equivalent to 3,000,000 gold coins from the Muslims of the city of Ecbatana. By the time of
Basil II's death in 1025, the annual income had increased to - 7,000,000
nomismata, which allowed him to amass a large gold reserve of 14,400,000
nomismata (200,000 pounds/90 tonnes of gold) in the treasury for his successor. Even then, Basil II had waived two years' worth of land and hearth taxes, which would have been worth 8 million more nomismata. The wealth of the empire at Basil's death was so immense that it impressed the Muslims, such that a late eleventh-century Arab source informs us that “When Basil, son of Romanos, the emperor of Byzantium, died . . . he left ten thousand qintars of gold coins ( 1,000,000 pounds or 72,000,000 gold coins) and jewels worth 54 million dinars.” Nevertheless, the Byzantine economy went into a long decline until the
Comnenian Dynasty was able to revive the economy. In the aftermath of the
Battle of Manzikert, Alp Arslan at first suggested to Emperor
Romanos IV a ransom of gold coins, but later reduced it to gold coins with a further gold coins annually. In exchange for an alliance,
Alexios I sent gold coins to Emperor
Henry IV. The wealth of the empire under the Comnenians can be seen by how Emperor
Manuel I was able to ransom some Latin prisoners from the Muslims for dinars, then dinars for
Bohemond III in 1165, dinars for
Raynald of Châtillon, and dinars for
Baldwin of Ibelin in 1180. When Manuel became emperor he ordered 2 gold coins to be given to every householder in Constantinople and 200 pounds of gold (including 200 silver coins annually) to be given to the
Eastern Orthodox Church. When his niece
Theodora married King
Baldwin III of
Jerusalem in 1157, Manuel gave her a dowry of gold coins, gold coins for marriage expenses, and presents (jewels and silk garments) which were worth gold coins total. The expense of Manuel's involvement in Italy must have cost the treasury a great deal (probably more than 2,160,000
hyperpyra or pounds of gold). Then he also promised to pay pounds of gold to the
Pope and the
Curia. During his reign, Manuel bought a very rich jewel (for silver
marks) which was used during the coronation of the Latin Emperor
Baldwin I. The main source of the state's wealth in the 12th century was the
kommerkion, a customs duty levied at Constantinople on all imports and exports, which was stated to have collected
hyperpyra each day. This, combined with other sources of income, meant the empire's annual revenue was at 5,600,000
hyperpyra in 1150. Under the Komnenian emperors, many exemptions of trade duties were given to the Italian traders, which meant the loss of about 50,000
hyperpyra annually. By the end of Manuel I's reign the amount of money used to maintain the Komnenian imperial family is said to be able to maintain an army of 100,000 men. statue of
the Tetrarchs was plundered from Constantinople and placed on the façade of
Saint Mark's Church, Venice. After the demise of the Komnenoi, the Byzantine economy declined under the impact of several factors: the mismanagement under the Angeloi, the dismemberment of the Empire after 1204, the successive territorial losses to the Turks (although the strong economic interaction of Byzantine territories with those lost by the Empire continued), and the Italian expansion in the Mediterranean and the
Black Sea. When
Isaac II Angelos became Emperor in 1185, a mob broke into the palace and carried off pounds of gold, pounds of silver, and 20,000 pounds of bronze coins. In 1195, Holy Roman Emperor
Henry VI forced Byzantine Emperor
Alexios III Angelos to pay him a tribute of pounds of gold (originally pounds of gold) and in 1204 Alexios III took pounds of gold (or 72,000
hyperpyra) when he fled Constantinople, leaving the treasury empty. Fires ravaged the northern and central sections of the city, resulting in a steady exodus of residents. The sack of Constantinople by Latin crusaders in 1204 was an economic catastrophe. However, even with the empire at its poorest in 1203, Alexios IV managed to pay 440,000 hyperpyra out of silver marks (equivalent to 800,000
hyperpyra) to the Crusaders. The official tally of plunder from Constantinople was about silver marks, the equivalent of about 3,600,000
hyperpyra or 50,000 pounds/22.5 tonnes of gold, although this figure likely does not include the value of the countless icons and books destroyed, ancient statues melted down (some made in Alexander the Great's time), and the destruction of other cultural artifacts. In 1237, Latin Emperor
Baldwin II pawned the
Crown of Thorns to a Venetian merchant for gold coins. By the time the Palaiologoi took power, Italian merchants had come to dominate the trade by sea whilst Turkic incursions prevented any success from trade across roads.
Michael VIII Palaiologos strove to restore the capital, but lacked the resources to do so. In 1282, Michael VIII was forced to drain the treasury to pay the enormous bribe of
hyperpyra to King
Peter III of Aragon to invade the
Kingdom of Sicily. By 1303, the empire's annual revenue dropped to less than 1,800,000
hyperpyra, under
Andronikos II Palaiologos. In 1321, only with extreme effort was Andonikos II able to raise revenues to 1,000,000
hyperpyra. The Byzantine economy had declined so much that by 1343, Empress
Anna of Savoy had to pawn the Byzantine
crown jewels for Venetian ducats, which was the equivalent of 60,000
hyperpyra. In 1348, Constantinople had an annual revenue of
hyperpyra while across the Golden Horn in the Genoese colony of
Galata, the annual revenue was
hyperpyra. When Emperor
John VI Kantakouzenos attempted to rebuild the Byzantine navy, he was only able to raise an inadequate
hyperpyra. The only success during this period was when the
Republic of Genoa agreed to pay a war indemnity of
hyperpyra in 1349. When Emperor
John V Palaiologos was captured by
Ivan Alexander in 1366, he was forced to pay a ransom of
florins. In 1370, the empire owed
Venice,
hyperpyra (of which only
hyperpyra had so far been paid) for damage done to Venetian property. In February 1424,
Manuel II Palaiologos signed an unfavorable peace treaty with the Ottoman Turks, whereby the Byzantine Empire was forced to pay silver coins to the Sultan on annual basis. In 1453, the economy of the Genoan quarter in Constantinople had a revenue almost 7 times greater than that of the whole Empire — not even a shadow of its former self. Emperor
Constantine XI owed Venice 17,163
hyperpyra when he died in 1453. The exact amount of annual income the Byzantine government received, is a matter of considerable debate, due to the scantness and ambiguous nature of the primary sources. The following table contains approximate estimates. ==Coinage==